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[转载]胡适:百二十回本《忠义水浒传》序

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一、《水浒》版本出现的小史

这三百年来,大家都读惯了金圣叹的七十一回本《水浒传》,很少人知道《水浒传》的许多古本了。《水浒传》古本的研究只是这十年内的事。十年之中,居然有许多古本出现,这是最可喜的事。

十年前(民国九年七月)我开始做“水浒传考证”的时候,我只有金圣叹的七十一回本和坊间通行而学者轻视的《征四寇》。那时候我虽然参考了不少的旁证,我的许多结论都只可算是一些很大胆的假设,因为当时的证据实在太少了。(《胡适文存》初排本卷三,页81—146)

但我的《水浒传考证》引起了一些学者的注意,遂开了搜求《水浒传》版本的风气。我的《考证》出版后十四个月之内,我便收到了这些版本:

(1)李卓吾批点《忠义水浒传》百回本的第一回到第十回,日本冈岛璞翻明刻本(1728年刻)。

(2)《忠义水浒传》百回本的日文译本,冈岛璞译(1907年排印)。

(3)《忠义水浒传》百十五回本,与《三国志演义》合刻,名为《英雄谱》,坊间名为《汉宋奇书》(有熊飞的序,似初刻在崇祯末年)。

(4)百二十四回本《水浒传》(光绪己卯,即1879年,人道堂藏版,有乾隆丙午年的序)。

此外,我还知道两种版本:

(5)百十回本《忠义水浒传》,也是与《三国志》合刻的《英雄谱》本(日本铃木虎雄先生藏)。

(6)百二十回本《忠义水浒传》明刻本(日本京都府立图书馆藏,有杨定见序)。

这两种我当时虽未见,却蒙日本学者青木正儿先生把他们的回目和序例都抄录了寄给我。

我有了这六种版本作根据,遂又作了一篇《水浒传后考》。《胡适文存》初排本卷三,页147—184)这是民国十年六月的事。

民国十二年左右,我知道有三四部百二十回本《忠义水浒全书》出现,涵芬楼得了一部,我自己得了一部,还有别人收着这本子的。后来北京孔德学校收着一部精刻本,图画精致可爱。

民国十三年,李玄伯先生的侄儿兴秋在北京冷摊上得着一部百回本《忠义水浒传》。据玄伯说:(《重刊忠义水浒传序》)

观其墨色纸色,的是明本。且第一册图上每有新安刻工姓名,尤足证明即郭英(适按:当作郭勋。)在嘉靖年间刻于新安者。明代《水浒》面目,遂得重睹。

我不曾见着兴秋先生的原本,但此书既名《忠义水浒传》,似非郭武定的旧本,因为我们从百二十回本的发凡上知道“忠义”二字是李卓吾加上去的。

新安刻工姓名,算不得证据,因为近几百年的刻图工人,要算徽州工人为最精,至今还有刻墨印的专业。故我们只能认李先生的百回本是李卓吾的《忠义水浒传》的一种本子。(玄伯的本子没有“引首”一段,只从张天师祈禳起,与日本翻刻的李卓吾本稍不同,不知是否偶阙这几页)

玄伯先生于民国十四年把这部百回本标点排印出来,于是国中遂有百回本的重印本。(北京锡拉胡同一号李宅发行,装五册,价二元七角)

前年商务印书馆把涵芬楼所藏的百二十回本《水浒传》也排印出来,因为我的序迟迟不能交卷,遂延到今年方才出版。

总计近年所出的《水浒传》版本,共有下列各种:

甲、七十一回本(金圣叹本);

乙、《征四寇》本(亚东图书馆《水浒续集》本);丙、百十五回本(《英雄谱》本);

丁、百十回本( 《英雄谱》本。铃木虎雄藏);戊、百二十四回本(胡适藏);

己、李卓吾《忠义水浒传》百回本;

(1)李玄伯排印本;

(2)日本冈岛璞翻刻前二十回本;

(3)日本冈岛璞译本。

庚、《忠义水浒全书》百二十回本。

 

二、十年来关于《水浒传》演变的考证

十年前我研究《水浒传》演变的历史,得着一些假设的结论,大致如下:

(1)南宋到元朝之间,民间有种种的宋江三十六人的故事。有《宣和遗事》和龚圣与的“三十六人赞”可证。

(2)元朝有许多“水浒”故事,但没有《水浒传》。有许多元人杂剧可证。

(3)明初有一部《水浒传》出现,这部书还是很幼稚的。我们叫它作“原百回本《水浒传》”。这部书也许是罗贯中作的。

(4)明朝中叶,约当弘治正德时期,另有一种七十回本《水浒传》出现。

我假定这部书是用“原百回本”来重新改造过的,大致与现行的金圣叹本相同。这部书也许是“施耐庵”作的,但“旋耐庵”似是改作《水浒传》的托名。

(5)到了明嘉靖朝,武定侯郭勋家里传出一部定本《水浒传》来,有新安刻本,共一百回,我们叫它作“百回郭本”。我假定这部书的前七十回全采“七十回本”;后三十回是删改“原百回本”的后半部的。“原百回本”

后半有“征田虎”和“征王庆”的两大部分,郭本都删去了,却加入“征辽国”一大段。据说旧本有“致语”,郭本也删去了。据说郭本还把阎婆事“移置”一番。这几点都是“百二十回本”的发凡里指出的郭本与旧本的不同之点。(郭本已不可得,我们只知道李卓吾的百回本)

(6)明朝晚年有杨定见、袁无涯编刻的百二十回本《忠义水浒全书》出现。此本全采李卓吾百回本,而加入“征田虎”、“征王庆”两大段。但这两段都是改作之文,事实与回目皆与别本( 《征四寇》、百十五回本、百十回本、百二十四回本)绝不相同;王庆的故事改变更大。

(7)到金圣叹才有七十一回本出现,没有招安和以后的事,却多卢俊义的一场梦,其他各本都没有这场梦。

(8)七十一回本通行之后,百回本与其他各本都渐渐稀少,于是书坊中人把旧本《水浒传》后半部印出单行,名为《征四寇》。我认《征四寇》是“原百回本”的后半,至少其中征田虎、王庆的两部分是“原百回本”留剩下来的。

这是我九年十年前的见解的大致。当时《水浒》版本的研究还在草创的时期,最重要的百回本和百二十回本,我都不曾见着,故我的结论不免有错误。最大的错误是我假定明朝中叶有一部七十回的《水浒传》。《胡适文存》初排本卷三,页171—176 )但我举出的理由终不能叫大家心服;而我这一种假设却影响到其余的结论,使我对于《水浒传》演变的历史不能有彻底的了解。

六七年来,修正我的主张的,有鲁迅先生,李玄伯先生,俞平伯先生。

鲁迅先生的主张是:

原本《水浒传》今不可得。现存之《水浒传》,则所知者有六本,而最要者四。

一曰一百十五回本《忠义水浒传》,前署“东原罗贯中编辑”,明崇祯末与《三国演义》合刻为《英雄谱》,单行本未见。文词蹇拙,体制纷纭,中间诗歌亦多鄙俗,甚似草创初就,未加润色者。虽非原本,盖近之矣。又有一百十回之《忠义水浒传》,亦《英雄谱》本。别有一百二十四回之《水浒传》,文词脱略,往往难读,亦此类。

二曰一百回本《忠义水浒传》,..武定侯郭勋家所传之本,..今未见。别有本,亦一百回,有李贽序及批点,殆即出郭氏本,而改题为“施耐庵集撰,罗贯中纂修”。文辞乃大有增删,几乎改观,除去恶诗,增益骈语,描写亦愈入细微。如述林冲雪中行沽一节,即多于百十五回本者至一倍余。

三曰百二十回本《忠义水浒全书》,亦题“施耐庵集撰,罗贯中纂修”。全书自首至受招安,事略全同百十五回本;破辽小异,且少诗词,平田虎、王庆,则并事略亦异。而收方腊又悉同。文词与百回本几无别,特于字句稍有更定。诗词又较多,则为刊时增入。

发凡云:“古本有罗氏致语,相传灯花婆婆等事,既不可复见,乃后人有因‘四大寇’之拘而酌损之者,有嫌一百廿回之繁而淘汰之者,皆失。郭武定本即旧本移置阎婆事,甚善。其于寇中去王、田而加辽国,犹是小家照应之法,不知大手笔者正不尔尔。”是知《水浒》有古本百回,当时“既不可复见”;又有旧本,似百二十回,中有“四大寇”,盖谓王、田、方及宋江,即柴进见于白屏风上御书者。郭氏本始破,其拘,削王、田而加辽国,成百回;《水浒全书》又增王、田,仍存辽国,复为百二十回。..然破总上五本观之,知现存之《水浒传》实有两种:其一简略,其一繁缛。胡应麟( 《笔丛》四十一)云:

“余二十年前所见《水浒传》本,尚极足寻味。十数载来,为闽中坊贾刊落,止录事实,中间游词余韵神情寄寓处一概删之,遂不堪覆瓿。复数十年,无原本印证,此书将永废。”应麟所见本,今莫知如何。若百十五回简本,则成就殆当先于繁本,以其用字造句,与繁本每有差违,倘是删存,无烦改作也。

四曰七十回本《水浒传》。为金人瑞字圣叹所传,自云得古本,止七十回,于宋江受天书之后,即以卢俊义梦全伙被缚于嵇叔夜终。..其书与百二十回本之前七十回无甚异,惟刊去骈语特多;百廿回本发凡有“旧本去诗词之繁累”语,颇似圣叹真得古本。然文中有因删去诗词而语气遂稍参差者,则所据殆仍是百回本耳。..《中国小说史略》,页141—148)

鲁迅先生之说,很细密周到,我很佩服,故值得详细征引。他的主张,简单说来,约有几点:

(1)《水浒》古本有两种,其原百回本在晚明已不可复见,但还有一种百二十回的旧本,中有“四大寇”,谓王、田、方及宋江。

(2)也许还有一种古本,招安之后即接叙征方腊。

(3)这些古本的真相已不可考,但百十五回本的文字“虽非原本,盖近之矣”。

(4)一百回的郭刻本与李卓吾本,删田虎、王庆两大段,而加辽国。文字大有增删,几乎改观,描写也更细密。

(5)一百二十回本的文字,与百回本几乎无分别,加入改作的田虎、王庆两大段,仍保存征辽一大段。

(6)总而言之,《水浒传》有繁本与简本两大类:百十五回本,百十回本,与百二十四回本,属于简本;百回本与百二十回本,属于繁本。明人胡应麟(生1551年,死在1600年以后。)

以为简本是后起的,是闽中坊贾刊落繁本的结果。鲁迅先生则以为简本近于古本,繁本是后人修改扩大的。

(7)七十回本是金圣叹依据百回本而截去后三十回的,为《水浒传》最晚出的本子。

俞平伯先生的《论〈水浒传〉七十回古本的有无》(《小说月报》十九卷四号,页505—508)即采用鲁迅先生的主张,不承认有七十回古本。鲁迅先生曾说:

又简本撰人止题罗贯中..比郭氏本出,始著耐庵,因疑施乃演为繁本者之托名,当是后起,非古本所有。

平伯承认此说,列为下表:

简本百回罗贯中

繁本百回施耐庵罗贯中

金本七十一回施耐庵

平伯又指出圣叹七十一回本的特点,除掉伪作施耐庵序之外,只多了第七十一回的卢俊义的一场恶梦。平伯以为这一梦是圣叹添入的。他说:

依适之《后考》的说法,..是各本均无此梦也。适之以为圣叹曾有的古本,岂不成为孤本乎?

李玄伯先生(宗侗)重印百回本《水浒传》时,作了一篇很有价值的《读水浒记》,其中第一节是“ 《水浒》故事的演变”,很有独到的见解。玄伯先生说,《水浒》故事的演变,可分四个时期:

第一个时期,先有口传的故事,不久即变成笔记的《水浒》故事。这时期约当北宋末年以至南宋末年。玄伯说:

这种传说当然是没有系统的,在京东的注意梁山泊,在京西的注意太行山,在两浙的注意平方腊,并且各地还有他所喜爱的中心英雄。

这还是《水浒》故事口传的时期。这时期的经过不甚久,因为南宋时已经有了笔记的《水浒》故事了。

玄伯引龚圣与的宋江三十六人赞序和《宣和遗事》为证。他说:

但是那时的记载,..只是短篇的。这种本子现时固然逸失了,我却有几个间接的证据。

(一)现在《水浒传》内,常在一段大节目之后加一句“这个唤作..”,如..“这个唤做《智取生辰纲》”。大约以前有段短篇作品,唤作“ 《智取生辰纲》”,所以结成长篇以后,还留了这么一句。

(二)宋江等在梁山,忽然叙写他们去打华州,似乎非常的无道理,但是我们要明白了初一步的《水浒》是短篇的,是无系统的,就可明白了这无道理的理由。上边我说过,梁山左近有梁山的《水浒》故事,京西有京西的《水浒》故事。龚圣与的赞有四处“太行”字样,足可证说宋江等起于京西的,在当时颇盛行。华州事即京西故事之一。后人想综合京东京西各种为一长篇,想将宋江从京东搬到京西,只好牵出史进被陷,以作线索了。

征辽故事,虑亦非始作于明。宋代外敌凭陵,国政弛废,转思草泽,盖亦人情,故或造野语以自慰;复多异说,不能合符,于是后之小说既以取舍不同而分歧,所取者又以话本非一而违异。田虎、王庆在百回本与百二十回本,名同而文迥别,殆亦由此而已。惟其后讨平方腊,则各本悉同,因疑在郭本所据旧本之前,当又有别本,即以平方腊接招安之后,如《宣和遗事》所记者,然而证信尚缺,未能定也。

玄伯又说:

这些短篇《水浒》故事,是与元代的杂剧同时或稍前的。元曲的《水浒》剧即取材于这些篇。因为他们的传说、作者、产地的不同,所以内容常异,杂剧内人物的性格也因取材的不同而不一致。

第二个时期,约在元明之间,“许多的短篇笔记,连贯成了长篇,截成一回一回的,变作章回体的长篇《水浒》故事”。玄伯很大胆地假定当时至少有所谓“ 《水浒》四传”:

第一传的事迹,约等于百回本的第一回至第八十回所包含的,就是从误走妖魔起,至招安止。

第二传是百回本的第八十回至第九十回,平辽一段。

第三传是百回本所无,征田虎、王庆一段。

第四传是百回本第九十回至一百回,平方腊一段。

为什么说《水浒》四传,而不说一传呢?

重要的理由是四传内的事迹互相冲突。在短篇的时候,各种故事的产生,地点不同,流传不同,互相冲突的地方在所不免。如果当时就直接的成为一传,自应删去冲突字句,前后照应。现在所以不如此者,恰因是经过四传分立的阶段,在合成一传则冲突者,在四传各身固不必皆冲突也。

玄伯举了几条证据:第一条即是我十年前指出王进即是王庆的化身。(《水浒传考证》页125,《后考》页159—161)玄伯不信我的主张,他的解释是“两卷或者同一蓝本”。第二条是我九年前指出智真和尚两次送给鲁智深的四句终身偈语,前后不同,我疑心前四句是七十回本所独有。(《后考》页173—174)玄伯说:“以前大约相传有智真长老赠四句言语的这回事,两传皆窃仿罢了”。第三条证据是前传的蓼儿洼是梁山泊的一部分,而方腊传里却把蓼儿洼认为楚州南门外的一块地方。

玄伯又说:

即以文体而论,四传亦不甚相同,且所用地名,亦多古今的分别,皆足证明各传非一人一时之所集,更足证各传集成时的先后。前传及征方腊传,征二寇传较老,征辽传次之。征方腊传所用宋代的地名最多。..前传经后人修改处似较多。

第三时期,约在明代,“即将《水浒》长篇故事,或二传,或三传,或四传,合成更长篇的《水浒传》。百回本即合三传(前传,征辽,征方腊。)而成,百二十回本即合四传而成者。因为他们是分开的,自成一段,所以合二传,三传,四传,皆无不成”。

第四时期,即清初以后,“田、王,征辽,方腊三传皆被删去,前传亦被删去七十一回以后的事迹,加了卢俊义的一梦,变作现行的七十回本。这种变化,完全是独出心裁。他虽假托古本,这个古本却似并未存在过”。

李玄伯先生之说,有很大胆的假设,有很细密的推论,我也很佩服,所以也详细摘抄在这里。

 

三、我的意见

玄伯先生的四期说,我最赞成他的第一时期。他指出最初的《水浒》故事是短篇的,没有系统的,不一致的,并且各地有各地最喜欢的英雄。玄伯是第一个人发现这种“地方性”,可以解决许多困难。元人杂剧里的《水浒》故事,便是从这种有地方性的短篇来的。

但玄伯说的第二时期,我却不敢完全赞同。他假定最早的长篇《水浒》故事曾经过所谓“四传”的过渡时期。他说:

如果当时就直接的成为一传,自应删去冲突字句,前后照应。

这个理由,我认为不充分。百回本是结合成一传的了,前后并不冲突,冲突的字句都删去了。百十五回本和百二十四回本也是结成一传的,其中便有前后冲突的地方,如既有王进被高俅陷害,又有王庆被高俅陷害;既有高俅投奔柳世权,又有高俅投奔柳世雄。可见冲突字句的有无,全靠改编的人的本事高低,并不关曾否经过四传的阶段。

况且四传之说,本身就很难成立。第一传从开篇说到招安,还可成一传。

第二传单说征辽,第三传单记征田虎、王庆,第四传单记征方腊,似乎都不能单独存在罢?如果真有这三传,它们也不过是三种短篇与“ 《智取生辰纲》”、《大闹江州》,有什么分别?既是独立的短篇,便应该属于玄伯所谓第一时期,不应该别立所谓第二时期了。故“四传”之说,我认为大可不必有,还不如鲁迅先生的“话本不同”说,可以免除更多的困难。

鲁迅先生与玄伯都主张一种“多元的”说法。鲁迅说:

后之小说既以取舍不同而分歧,所取者又以话本不同而违异。

这是说《水浒传》原本有各种“话本不同”,他假定有百回古本,有述“四大寇”的百二十回本,又有招安之后直接平方腊之别本,又有破辽的故事,其来源也许在明以前。——这便是四种或三种长篇古本了。这种多元的长篇全传说,似乎比玄伯的“四传”说满意得多。

大概最早的长篇,颇近于鲁迅先生假定的招安以后直接平方腊的本子,既无辽国,也无王庆、田虎。这个本子可叫做“X”本。

玄伯先生也认为前传与征方腊传用的地名最为近古。不但如此,征辽与征田虎、王庆三次战事都没有损失一个水浒英雄,只有征方腊一役损失过三分之二。这可见征方腊一段成立在先,后人插入的部分若有阵亡的英雄,便须大大的改动原本了。为免除麻烦起见,插入的三大段只好保全一百零八人,一个不叫阵亡。这是一种证据。征田虎、王庆时收的降将,如马灵、乔道清之流,在征方腊一役都用不着了。这也可见征方腊一段是最早的,本来没有这些人,故不能把他们安插进去。这又是一种证据。

这个“X”本,也许就是罗贯中的原本。

后来便有人误读《宣和遗事》里的“三路之寇”一句话,硬加入田虎、王庆两大段,便成了一种更长的本子,也许真有百二十回之多。这个本子可叫做“Y”本。

后来又有一种本子出来,没有王庆、田虎两大段,却插入了征辽国的一大段。这个本子可叫做“Z”本。鲁迅先生疑心征辽的故事起于明以前,也许在南宋时。玄伯先生则以为征辽的一传最晚出。我想玄伯先生的话,似乎最近事实。

这三种古本的回数,现在已不可考了。大概“X”本不足百回,“Y”本大概在百回以外,“Z”本大概不过百回。

到了明朝嘉靖时代,武定侯郭勋家里传出一部《水浒传》,有新安刻本,有汪太函(道昆)的序,托名“天都外臣”。(此据《野获编》)汪道昆字伯玉,嘉靖二十六年(1547 )进士,与王世贞齐名,是当时的一个大文学家。

他是徽州人,此本又刻在徽州,也许汪道昆即是这个本子的编著者。当时武定侯郭勋喜欢刻书,故此书假托为郭家所传。郭勋死在嘉靖二十八年(1549),也许此本刻出时,他已死了,故更容易假托。其时士大夫还不敢公然出名著作白话小说,故此本假托于“施耐庵”。这个本子,因为号称郭勋所传,故我们也称为“郭本”。

近见邓之诚先生的《骨董琐记》卷三有云:

闻缪艺风丈云:光绪初叶,曾以白金八两得郭本于厂肆,书本阔大,至一尺五六寸,内赤发鬼尚作尺八腿,双枪将作一直撞云。

缪先生死后,他的藏书多流传在外,但这部郭本《水浒传》至今无人提及,不知流落在何方了。百二十回本的发凡说:

郭武定本,即旧本,移置阎婆事甚善,其于寇中去王、田而加辽国,犹是小家照应之法,不知大手笔者正不尔尔。如本内王进开章而不复收缴,此所以异于诸小说,而为小说之圣也软!

又说:

旧本去诗词之烦芜,..颇直截清明。

又说:

订文音字,旧本亦具有功力,然淆讹舛驳处尚多。

总以上所说,郭本可知之点如下:

(1)王进开章,与今所见各本同。

(2)移置阎婆事,不知如何移置法。

(3)去王庆、田虎二段。

(4)加辽国一段。

(5)删去诗词。

(6)有订文音字之功。

(7)据缪荃孙所见,书本阔大,其中双枪将作一直撞,还保存《宣和遗事》的旧样子;赤发鬼作尺八腿,则和龚圣与《宋江三十六人赞》相同。

我们关于郭本,所知不过如此。

胡应麟说:

余二十年前所见《水浒传》本,尚极足寻味。十数载来,为闽中坊贾刊落,止录事实,中间游词余韵神情寄寓处,一概删之,遂不堪覆瓿。后数十年,无原本印证,此书将永废。

胡应麟生于一五五一年(据王世贞《石羊生传》),当嘉靖三十年。他的死年不可考,他的文集(《少室山房类藁》,有《四库全书》本,有《续金华丛书》本)里无万历庚子(1600)以后的文字,他死时大概年约五十岁。他说的“二十年前所见《水浒传》本”,当是他少年时,约当隆庆、万历之间,当西历一五七二年左右。他所见的本子,正是新安刻的所谓郭本。他说那种本子“尚极足寻味”,中间多有“游词余韵神情寄寓处”,更证以上文所引“王进开章”的话,我们可以断定郭本的文字必定和李贽批点的《忠义水浒传》百回本相差不远。

李贽(卓吾)死在万历三十年(1602 ),年七十六。今世所传《忠义水浒传》,大概出于李贽死后,因为他爱批点杂书,故坊贾翻刻《水浒传》,也就借重这一位身死牢狱而名誉更大的名人。日本冈岛璞翻刻的《忠义水浒传》,有李贽的《读忠义水浒传序》一篇。此序虽收在《焚书》及《李氏文集》,但《焚书》与《文集》皆是李贽死后的辑本,不足为据。比如《三国演义》之有金圣叹的“ 外书”,似是书坊选家的假托。若李氏批点本《水浒传》出在一六○○年以前,胡应麟藏书最多,又很推崇《水浒传》,不应该不见此本。故我疑心李氏批点本是一六○○年以后刻印的,大概去李氏之死不很久,约当一六○五年左右。大概郭本流传不多,而闽中坊贾删节的本子却很盛行,当时文学家如胡应麟之流,都曾感觉惋惜,于是坊贾有翻刻郭本的必要,遂假托于李贽批点之本。试看冈岛璞翻刻本所保存的李贽批语,与百二十回本的批语,差不多没有一个字相同的。如第二回,两本各有十几条眉批,但只有一条相同。两本同是所谓李贽批点本,而有这样的大不同,故我们可以断定两本同是假托于李贽的。

这种李氏百回本,大概是根据于郭本的,故我们可以从这种本子上推论郭本的性质。

郭本似是用已有的“X”、“Y”、“Z”等本子来重新改造过的。“X”本的事迹大略,似乎全采用了。“Y ”的田虎、王庆两大段,太幼稚了,太荒唐了,实在没有采用的价值。但郭本的改作者却看中了王庆被高俅陷害的一小段,所以他把这一段提出来,把王庆改作了王进,柳世雄改作了柳世权,把称王割据的王庆改作了一个神龙见首不见尾的孝子,把一段无意识的故事改作了一段最悲哀动人又最深刻的《水浒》开篇。此外,王庆和田虎的两大段便全删去了。郭本虽根据“X”、“Y”等本子,但其中创作的成分必然很多。这位改作者(施耐庵或汪道昆)起手确想用全副精力作一部伟大的小说,很想放手做去,不受旧材料的拘束,故起手的四十回(从王进写到大闹江州),真是绝妙的文字。这四十回可以完全算是创作的文字,是《水浒传》最精彩的部分。但作者到了四十回以后,气力渐渐不佳了,渐渐地回到旧材料里去,草草地把一百零八人都挤进来,草草地招安他们,草草地送他们出去征方腊这些部分都远不如前四十回的精彩了。七十回以下更潦草得厉害,把元曲里许多幼稚的《水浒》故事,如李逵乔坐衙,李逵负荆,燕青射雁等等,都穿插进去。拼来凑去,还凑不满一百回。王庆、田虎两段既全删了,只好把“Z”本中篇幅较短的征辽国一段故事加进去。故郭本和所谓李卓吾批点的百回本《水浒传》,是用“X”本事迹的全部而大加改造,加上“Z”本的征辽故事,又加上从“Y”本借来重新改造过的王进与高俅的故事作为开端,但完全删除了王庆、田虎两大部分。

但据胡应麟所说,十六世纪的晚年,闽中坊贾刻有删节本的《水浒传》。(其说引见上文)

邓之诚先生《骨董琐记》卷三引金坛王氏《小品》说:

此书每回前各有楔子,今俱不传。予见建阳书坊中所刻诸书,节缩纸板,求其易售,诸书多被刊削。此书亦建阳书坊翻刻时删落者。每回前各有楔子,是不可能的事;此与周亮工《书影》所说“一百回各以妖异语引其首”,同是以讹传讹,后文我另有讨论。王彦泓所记建阳书坊删削《水浒》事,可与胡应麟所记互相印证,同是当时人士的记载。此种删节的《水浒传》,我们现在所见的,有百十五回本,有百二十四回本,虽未见而知道的,有百十回本。这些本子都比李卓吾批点本简略的多。

鲁迅先生称这些本子为“简本”,但他不信百十五回本就是胡应麟说的闽中坊贾删节本。他以为百十五回简本“文词蹇拙,体制纷纭,中间诗歌亦多鄙俗,甚似草创初就,未加润色者。虽非原本,盖近之矣。”鲁迅主张百十五回简本的成就“殆当先于繁本”。他的理由是:“以其用字造句,与繁本每有差违,倘是删存,无烦改作也。”

鲁迅先生所举的理由,颇不能使我心服。他论金圣叹七十回本时,曾说:

然文中有因删去诗词而语气遂稍参差者,则所据殆仍是百回本耳。

这可见“倘是删存,无烦改作”之说不能完全成立。再试看我所得的百二十四回本,删节更厉害了,但改作之处更多。如鲁迅所引林冲雪中行沽的一段:

在百回本(日本翻明本)有六百零一字(百二十回本同),在百十五回本有二百四十八字,在百二十四回本只有一百四十一字。可见百二十四回本是删节最甚的本子,然而这个本子也有很分明的改作之处。如林冲在天王堂遇着酒生儿李小二,小二夫妻在酒店里偷听得陆虞候同管营差拨的阴谋,他们报告林冲,劝他注意,林冲因此带了刀,每日上街去寻他的仇人,以后才是接管草料场的文章。这一大段在百回本和百二十回本里都有二千字之多,在百十五回本里也有一千一百多字。但在百二十四回本里,李小二夫妻同他们的酒店都没有了。只说有一天,一个酒保来请管营与差拨吃酒,他们到了店里,见两个军官打扮的人,自称陆谦、富安,把高太尉的书信给管营与差拨看了,他们定下计策,分手而去。全文只有三百五十多个字。故若添上李小二夫妻的故事,须有一千一百到二千字;若删了他们,改造一番,三百多字便够用了。这可见删节也往往正有改作的必要,故鲁迅先生“删存无烦改作”之说不能证明百十五回本之近于古本,也不能证明此种简本成于百回繁本之先。俞平伯先生也主张此说,同一错误。

今日市上最风行的每页插图的节本小说多种,专为小孩子和下流社会做的,俗名“画书”。每页上图画差不多占全页,图画上方印着四五十个字的本文,其中有《水浒传》、《西游记》、《薛仁贵征东》等等,删节之处最多,有时因删节上的需要,往往改动原文,以便删节。看了这些本子,便知“删存无烦改作”之说是不能成立的。

故我主张,百十回本和百二十四回本等等简本大概都是胡应麟所说的坊贾删节本:其中从误走妖魔到招安后征辽的部分,和后文征方腊到卷末,都是删节百回郭本的;其中间插入征田虎、王庆的部分,是采用百回郭本以前的旧本(上文叫做“Y”本)的。加入这两大段,又不曾删去征辽一段,便不止百回了。故有百十回到百二十四回的参差。

外面通行的《征四寇》,即是从这些坊贾删节本出来的。我从前认《征四寇》是从“原百回本”出来的,那是我的误解。

 

 

——未完待续

 

 

 

戴村坝史话


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[转载]胡适:百二十回本《忠义水浒传》序(续)

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四、论百二十回本

这种有田虎、王庆两段的删节本《水浒传》,自然比那些精刻的郭本、李本流行更广,于是一般读者总觉得百回本少了田、王两寇,像是一部不完全的《水浒传》。所以不久便有百二十回本出现,即是现在商务印书馆翻印的“出像评点《忠义水浒全书》”。因为大家感觉百回本的不完全,故这部书叫做“全书”。

这部百二十回本又叫做“新镌李氏藏本《忠义水浒全书》”,卷首有“楚人凤里杨定见”的小引,自称是“事卓吾先生”的,又说“先生殁而名益尊,道益广,书益传播,即片牍单词留向人间者,靡不珍为瑶草,俨然欲倾宇内”。

李贽死在万历三十年,此书之刻,当在崇祯初期,去明亡不很远了。

杨序又说,他在吴中,遇着袁无涯,遂取李贽“所批定《水浒传》”付无涯。大概杨定见是改造百二十回本的人,袁无涯是出钱刻印这书的人,可惜都不可考了。

此本有“发凡”十条,其中颇多可供考证的材料,故我在《水浒传后考》里,鲁迅先生在《中国小说史略》里,往往征引“发凡”的话。但十年以来,新材料稍稍出现,可以证明“发凡”中的话有很不可信之处,如第六条说:

古本有罗氏致语,相传“灯花婆婆”等事,既不可复见;乃后人有因四大寇之拘而酌损之者,有嫌一百廿回之繁而淘汰之者,皆失。

这些话,十年来我们都信以为真,故我同鲁迅先生都信古本《水浒》有罗氏致语,有相传“灯花婆婆”等事;鲁迅又相信古本真有百二十回本。我现在看来,这些话都没有多大根据,杨定见并不曾见“古本”,他说“古本”怎样怎样,大概都是信口开河,假托一个古本,作为他的百二十回改造本的根据而已。

罗氏致语之说,除此本“发凡”之外,还有周亮工《书影》说的:

故老传闻,罗氏《水浒传》一百回,各以妖异语冠其首。嘉靖时,郭武定重刻其书,削其致语,独存本传。

又《王氏小品》也说:

此书每回前各有楔子,今俱不传。

这都是以讹传讹的话。每回前各有妖异的致语,这是不可能的事。《水浒传》的前面有“洪太尉误走妖魔”的一段,这便是《水浒传》的“致语”。全书只有这一段“妖异语”的致语,别没有什么“灯花婆婆”等事。“灯花婆婆”的故事乃是《平妖传》的致语,其书现存,可以参证。这是因为《水浒传》和《平妖传》相传都是罗贯中作的,两书各有一段妖异的致语,后来有人记错了,遂说“灯花婆婆”的故事是古本《水浒传》的致语。后来的人更张大其词,遂说一百回各有妖异的致语了。(参看胡适《宋人话本八种序》页1—4 ,又页27—30)

至于古本有百二十回之说,也是“托古改制”的话头,不足凭信。大概古本不止一种,上文所考,“X”本无征辽及王、田二寇,必没有一百回;“Y”本有王、田而无辽国,“Z”本有辽国而无王、田,大概至多不过在百回上下,都没有百二十回之多。坊间的删节本,始合王、田二寇与辽国为一书,文字被删节了,事实却增多了,故有超过百十回的本子。杨定见改造王、田二寇,文字增加不少,成为百二十回本,所以要假托古本有百二十回,以抬高其书;其实他所谓“古本”,不过是建阳书坊的删节本罢了。

百二十回本的大贡献在于完全改造旧本的田虎、王庆两大寇。原有的田虎、王庆两部分是很幼稚的,我们看《征四寇》或百十五回本,都可以知道这两部分没有文学的价值。郭本与李卓吾本都删去这两部分,大概是因为这些部分太不像样了,不值得保存。况且王庆的故事,既然提出来改作了王进,后面若还保留王庆,重复矛盾的痕迹就太明显了,所以更有删除的必要。后来杨定见要想保留田虎、王庆两大段,却也感觉这两段非大大地改作过,不能保存。于是杨定见便大胆把旧有的田虎、王庆两段完全改作了。田虎一段,百十五回本和百二十回本的回目可以列为比较表如下:

百十五回本百二十回本(84)宿太尉保举宋江(91)宋公明兵渡黄河卢俊义分兵征讨卢俊义赚城黑夜(85)盛提辖举义投降(92)振军威小李广神箭元仲良愤激出家打盖郡智多星密筹(86)众英雄大会唐斌(93)李逵梦闹天池,旧本写征田虎一役,全无条理,只是无数琐碎的战阵而已。改本认定几个关键的人物,如乔道清,孙安,琼英郡主,用他们作中心,删去了许多不相干的小战阵,故比旧本精密的多多。旧本又有许多不近情理的地方,改本也都设法矫正了。试举张清匹配琼英的故事作例。旧本中此事也颇占重要的地位,但张清所以去假投降者,不过是要打救被乔道清捉去的四将而已。改本看定张清、琼英的故事可作为破田虎的关键,故在第九十三回即在李逵的梦里说出神人授与的“要夷田虎族,须谐琼矢镞”十个字,又加入张清梦中被神人引去教授琼英飞石的神话,这便是把这段姻缘提作田虎故事的中心部分了。这是一不同。

旧本既说琼英是乌利国舅的女儿,后文乔道清又说她是“田虎亲妹”,这种矛盾是很明显的。况且无论她是田虎的亲妹或表妹,她的背叛田虎,总于她的人格有点损失,至于张清买通医士,毒死她的父亲,也未免太残忍。

改本认清了此二点,故不但说琼英“原非邬梨亲生的”,并且说田虎是杀她的父母的仇人。这样一来,琼英的背叛,变成了替父母报仇,毒死邬梨也只是报仇,琼英的身份便抬高多了。这是二不同。

旧本写张清配合琼英,完全是一种军事策略,毫无情义可说。改本借安道全口中说出张清梦中见了琼英,醒来“痴想成疾”,后来琼英在阵上飞石连打宋将多人,张清听说赶到阵前,要认那女先锋,那边她早已收兵回去了,张清只得“立马怅望”。这很像受了当时风行的牡丹亭故事的影响,但也抬高张清的身份不少。这是三不同。

这一个故事的改作,很可以表示杨定见改本用力的方向与成绩。此外如乔道清,如孙安,性格描写上都很有进步。田虎部下的将领中有王庆,有范全,都和下文王庆故事中的王庆、范全重复了,所以改本把这些人都删去了。

这些地方都是进步。

王庆的故事改造更多。这是因为这里的材料比较更容易改造。田虎一段,只有征田虎的事,而没有田虎本人的历史。百十五回本叙田虎的历史,只有寥寥一百个字。百二十回本稍稍扩大了一点,也只有四百二十字。王庆个人的故事,在百十五回里,便占有四回之多,足足有一万三千多字。材料既多,改造也比较容易了。

不但如此,上文我曾指出王庆故事的原本太像王进的故事了,这分明是百回本《水浒传》的改造者(施耐庵?)把王庆的故事提出来,改成了《水浒传》的开篇,剩下的糟粕便完全抛弃了。百二十回本的改造者也看到了这一点,故他要保存王庆的故事,便不能不根本改造这一大段的故事。

原本的王庆故事的大纲如下:

(1)高俅未遇时,流落在灵璧县,曾受军中都头柳世雄的恩惠。

(2)高俅做殿前太尉时,柳世雄已升指挥使,来见高俅。高俅要报他的大恩,叫八十万禁军教头王庆把他该升补的总管之职让给柳世雄。

(3)高俅叫王庆比武时让柳世雄一枪。王庆心中不愿,比枪时把柳世雄的牙齿打落。

(4)高俅怀恨,要替柳世雄报仇,亲自到十三营点名,王庆迟到,诉说家中有香桌香炉飞动进门的怪事,他打碎香桌,闪了臂膊,赎药调治,误了点名。高俅判他捏造妖言,不遵节制,斥去官职,杖二十,刺配淮西李州牢城营安置。

这是王庆故事的第一段,是他刺配淮西的原因。这段故事有几点和王进故事相像:①两个故事同说高俅贫贱时流落淮西;②高俅的恩人柳世雄,在王进故事里作柳世权,明明是一个人;③王庆、王进同是八十万禁军教头,明明是一个人的化身;④王庆、王进同因点名不到,得罪高俅。因为这些太相像之点,这两个故事不能同时存在;故百回本索性把王庆故事删了,故百二十回本决定把这个故事完全改作。

这一段的改本的大纲是:

(1)王庆不是八十万禁军教头,只是开封府的一个副排军,是一个赌钱宿娼的无赖。

(2)王庆在艮岳见着蔡攸的儿媳妇,是童贯的侄女,小名唤作娇秀。他们彼此留情,就勾搭上了。

(3)一日王庆醉后把娇秀的事泄漏出去,风声传到童贯耳朵里。童贯大怒,想寻罪过摆布他。

(4)他在家乘凉,一条板凳忽然四脚走动,走进门来。王庆喝声:“奇怪!”一脚踢去,用力太猛,闪了胁肋,动弹不得。

(5)王庆因腰痛误了点名,被开封府府尹屈打成招,定了个捏造妖言,谋为不轨的死罪。后来童贯、蔡京怕外面的议论,教府尹速将王庆刺配远恶军州。于是王庆便被刺配到陕州牢城。

这里面高俅不见了,柳世雄也不见了,八十万禁军教头换成了一个副排军,于是旧本的困难都解决了。

王庆故事的第二段,在旧本里,大略如下:

(1)王庆在路上因盘费用尽,便在路口镇使棒乞钱。遇着龚端,送他银子作路费,并且给他介绍信,去投奔他的兄弟龚正。

(2)他到四路镇龚正店里,龚正请众邻舍来,请王庆使一回棒,请众人各帮一贯钱,共聚得五百贯钱。

(3)不幸被黄达出来拦阻,要和王庆比棒,王庆赢了他,却结下了冤仇。

(4)王庆到了李州牢城,把五百贯钱上下使用,管营教他去管天王堂,每日烧香扫地。

(5)王庆因比棒打伤了本州兵马提辖张世开的妻弟庞元,结下了冤仇。张世开要替庞元报仇,把王庆调去当差,寻事叫他赔钱吃棒,预备要打他九百九十九棒。

(6)王庆吃苦不过,把张世开打死,逃出李州,在吴太公庄上教武艺。又逃到龚正庄上,被黄达叫破,王庆把黄达打死,又逃到镇阳城去投奔他的姨兄范全。

(7)王庆在快活林使朴刀枪棒,打倒了段五虎,又打败了段三娘,段三娘便嫁了他。

(8)恰好庞元在本地做巡检,王庆记念旧仇,把他杀了,同段三娘逃上红桃山做强盗。

(9)王庆故事中处处写一个卖卦的金剑先生李杰,李杰邀了龚正弟兄来助王庆;王庆请他做军师,定下制度,占了秦州,王庆称秦王。

这段故事,人物太多,头绪纷繁,描写的技术也很幼稚。百二十回本的改作者决心把这个故事整理一番,遂变成了这个新样子:

(1)王庆刺配陕州,路过新安县,打伤了使棒的庞元,结识了龚端、龚正弟兄。龚氏弟兄与黄达寻仇,王庆打伤了黄达,在龚家村住了十余日,龚正送他到陕州,上下使用了银钱,管营张世开把王庆发在单身房内,自在出入。

(2)后来张世开忽然把他唤去做买办,不但叫他天天赔钱,还时时寻事打他,前后计打了他三百余棒。王庆后来在棒疮医生处打听得张世开的小夫人便是庞元的姐姐,又知道张世开有意摆布他,代庞元报仇。王庆夜间偷进管营内室,偷听得张世开与庞元阴谋,要在棒下结果他的性命,一时怒起,遂杀了张、庞二人,越城逃走了。

(3)他逃到房州,躲在表兄范全家中,用药销去了脸上的金印。有一天,段家庄的段氏弟兄接了个粉头,搭戏台唱戏,王庆也去看热闹,在戏台下赌博,和段氏弟兄争斗,又打败了段三娘。次日,段太公叫金剑先生李助去做媒,把段三娘嫁给他。成亲之夜,忽有人报告,说新安县的黄达打听得王庆的踪迹,报告房州州尹,就要来捉人了。

(4)李助给他们出主意,教他们反上房山去做强盗。后来他们打破房州,声势浩大,打破附近南丰荆南各地。王庆自称楚王,在南丰城中建造宫殿,占了八座军州,做了草头天子。

这样大改革,人物与事实虽然大致采用原本,而内容完全变了,地理也完全改变了,描写也变细密了,事迹与人物也集中了。

百二十回本作序的杨定见自称“楚人”,他知道河南、湖北、江西一带的地理,故把王庆故事原本的地理完全改变了。旧本的王庆故事说王庆占据“秦州”,称“秦王”。书中可考的地名,如梁州,洮阳,秦州,皆在陕西、甘肃两省。这便不是“淮西”了!杨定见是湖北人,故把王庆的区域改在河南西南,湖北全境,及江西的建昌一角。(看本书百五回,页47—48 )所以王庆不能称“秦王”了,便改成了“楚王”。旧本的卖卦李杰是洮西人,此本也改为“荆南李助”,这也是杨定见认同乡的一证。

原本中的地名,如“天王堂”,和林冲故事的天王堂重复了,如“快活林”和武松故事的快活林重复了,改本中都一概删改了,这也算一种进步。

改本把王庆早年故事集中在新安、陕州、房州三处,把龚端、龚正放在一处,把李杰的几次卖卦删成一次,把张世开和管营相公并作一个人,把庞元和张世开并在一块被杀,把吴太公等等无关重要的人物都删了。——这都是整理集中的本事,都胜于原本。

原本的王庆故事显然分作两截:王庆得罪高俅以至称王的历史,自成一截。宋江征王庆的事,又自成一截。这两截各不相谋,两截中的人物也毫不相干,前截的人物如李杰,段氏兄妹,龚氏弟兄,皆不见于后截。这一点可证明李玄伯先生假定的短篇的《水浒》故事。大概王庆的历史一截,只是一种短篇王庆故事,本没有下文宋江征讨的结局。这个王庆本是一条好汉,可以改作梁山上的一个弟兄,也可以改作《水浒》开篇而不上梁山的王进,也可以改作与宋江等人并立的一寇。后来旧本的一种便把他改作四寇之一,又硬添上宋江征王庆的一段事。百回本的作者便把他改作王进,开篇而不结束。

百十五回等本把这两种办法并入一部《水浒传》,便闹出种种矛盾和不照应的笑话来了。杨定见看出了这里面的种种短处,于是重新改作一番,把李助(李杰)、段二、段五、段三娘、龚端等人,都插入后截宋江征讨的一段里,使这个故事前后照应。这是百二十回本的大进步。

至于描写的进步,更是百二十回本远胜旧本之处。百十五回本叙王庆的历史只有一万三千字;百二十回本把事迹归并集中了,而描写却更详细了,故字数加至二万字。试举几条例子。如李杰第一次卖卦,百十五回本只有一百六十个字的记载,百二十回本便加到八百字的描写。其中有这样细腻的文字:

王庆接了卦钱,对着炎炎的那轮红日,弯腰唱喏;却是疼痛,弯腰不下,好似那八九十岁老儿,硬着半揖半拱的兜了一兜,仰面立着祷告。

李助摇着一把竹骨折叠油纸扇。

王庆对着李助坐地,当不的那油纸扇儿的柿漆臭,把皂罗衫袖儿掩着鼻,听他。(百二回,页12—13)

又如写定山堡段家庄的戏台下的情形:

那时粉头还未上台,台下的四面有三四十只桌子,都有人围挤着在那里掷骰赌钱。那掷骰的名儿非止一端乃是六风儿,五么子,火燎毛,朱窝儿。

又有那攧钱的,蹲踞在地上,共有二十余簇人。那攧钱的名儿也不止一端,乃是浑沌儿,三背儿,八叉儿。

那些掷骰的在那里呼么喝六,攧钱的在那里唤字叫背;或夹笑带骂,或认真厮打。那输了的,脱衣典裳,褫巾剥袜,也要去翻本。..那赢的,意气扬扬,东摆西摇,南闯北踅的寻酒头儿再做:身边便袋里,搭膊里,衣袖里,都是银钱;到后来捉本算账,原来赢不多;赢的都被把梢的,放囊的,占了头儿去。(百四回,页33)

这样细密的描写,都是旧本的王庆故事里没有的。

旧本于征王庆的一段之中,忽然插入“宋公明夜游玩景,吴学究帷幄谈兵”一回,前半宋江和卢俊义,吴用,乔道清诸人各言其志,后半吴用背诵《武侯新书》,全是文言的,迂腐的可厌。百二十回本把这一回全删去了。

但征讨王庆的战事,无论如何彻底改造,总不见怎样出色;不过比旧本稍胜而已。

我在上文举的这些例子,大概可以表示百二十回本的性质了。百二十回本的改作者,大概就是作序的楚人杨定见,他想把田虎、王庆两部分提高,要使这两段可以和其他的部分相称,故极力修改田虎故事;又发愤改造王庆故事,避免了旧本里所有和百回本重复或矛盾之处,改正了地理上的错误,删除了一切潦草的、幼稚的记载(如王庆与六国使臣比枪),提高了书中主要人物的性格(如张清、琼英等),统一了本书对王庆一群人的见解(王庆在旧本里并不算小人,此本始放手把他写成一个无赖。),并且抬高了人物描写的技术。——这是百二十回本的用意和成绩。

但《水浒传》的前半部实在太好了,其他的各部分都赶不上。最末的部分——平方腊班师以后——还有几段很感动人的文字:如写鲁智深之死;燕青之去;宋江之死;徽宗之梦,都还有点文学的意味。百回本里的征辽一段,实在是百回本的最弱部分,毫没有精彩。碣石天文以后,征辽以前,那一长段也无精彩。征方腊的部分也不很高明。至于田虎、王庆两大段,无论是旧本,或百二十回的改本,总不能叫人完全满意。

如果《水浒传》单是一部通俗演义书,那么,百二十回的改本已可算是很成功的了。但《水浒传》在明朝晚年已成了文人共同欣赏赞叹的一部文学作品,故其中各部分的优劣,很容易引起文人的注意。后来删削《水浒传》七十回以下的人,即是最崇拜《水浒传》的金圣叹。圣叹曾说:

天下之文章无出《水浒》右者!

他删去《水浒》的后半部,正是因为他最爱《水浒》,所以不忍见《水浒》受“狗尾续貂”的耻辱。

也许还有时代上的原因。我曾说:

圣叹生在流贼遍天下的时代,眼见张献忠、李自成一班强盗流毒全国,故他觉得强盗是不可提倡的,是应该口诛笔伐的。..圣叹又亲见明末的流贼伪降官兵,后复叛去,遂不可收拾,所以他对于《宋史》侯蒙请赦宋江使讨方腊的事,大不满意,极力驳他,说他“一语有八失”;所以他又极力表章那没有招安以后事的七十回本。( 《水浒传考证》)

金圣叹的文学眼光能认识《水浒》七十回以下的文笔远不如前半部,他的时代背景又使他不能赞成招安强盗的政策,所以他大胆地把七十回以下的文字全删了,又加上卢俊义的一个梦,很明显地教人知道强盗灭绝之后天下方得太平。这便是圣叹的七十一回本产生的原因。

圣叹的辩才是无敌的,他的笔锋是最能动人的。他在当日有才子之名,他的被杀又是当日震动全国的一件大惨案。他死后名誉更大,在小说批评界,他的权威直推翻了王世贞、李贽、钟惺等等有名的批评家。那部假托“圣叹外书”的《三国演义》尚且风行三百年之久,何况这部真正的圣叹评本的七十回本《水浒传》呢?无怪乎三百年来,我们只知道七十回本,而忘记了其他种种版本的存在了。

我们很感谢李玄伯先生,使我们得见百回本的真相;我们现在也很感谢商务印书馆,使许多读者得见百二十回本的真相。我个人很感谢商务印书馆要我作序,使我有机会把这十年来考证《水浒》的公案结一笔总账。万一将来还有真郭本出现的一天,我们对于《水浒传》的历史的种种假设的结论,就可以得着更有力的证实了。

一九二九年六月二十三日

 

[说明]

本文纸本稿见——《胡适文存三集》卷五

电子文稿见——

http://bbs.guoxue.com/viewthread.php?tid=626454&extra=page=1

 

 

 

 

戴村坝史话


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[转载]鲁迅、胡适和钱穆、陈寅恪的金圣叹与《金批水浒》评论述评

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(中国《水浒》学会会刊《水浒争鸣》第13辑,2012)

 

    一、本文论述的背景

 论及鲁迅、胡适、钱穆和陈寅恪对《金批水浒》的评价,必须先考察这么两个背景:

一、过去学术界一般都将《水浒传》和《红楼梦》并列,认为两书的思想、艺术成就相当,但具有各自的风格;但当今学术界,则多将此书列于《红楼梦》之后,尤其是红学界,认为《红楼梦》是古代小说中的成就最高之作,《水浒传》是排在《红楼梦》之后的古典小说。

实际上,《水浒传》与《红楼梦》是取得同等伟大艺术成就但又各呈千秋的旷世杰作,是可以并列的两大经典小说。还有许多人,例如胡适、钱穆等,对《水浒传》的评价还高于《红楼梦》。胡适认为《红楼梦》的写作水平不高,而《水浒传》的艺术成就极高。

此外,在韩国、日本,《水浒传》的声誉和影响至今仍都远大于《红楼梦》,读者非常多。而在西方,连汉学家也看不懂《红楼梦》(参见《本刊中方主编周锡山与德国汉学家顾彬对话纪要》,法国巴黎:中国比较文学旅法学会会刊《对流》2010第6期),故而影响更远不及《水浒传》了。

二、鲁迅对中国古代小说的整体评价很低。

鲁迅认为,与西方的文学经典名著相比,两书的水平都很低,遑论其他小说作品。鲁迅曾说:

 

高尔基很惊服巴尔扎克小说里写对话的巧妙,以为并不描写人物的模样,却能使读者看了对话,便好像目睹了说话的那些人。(八月份《文学》内《我的文学修养》)

中国还没有那样好手段的小说家,但《水浒》和《红楼梦》的有些地方,是能使读者由说话看出人来的。其实,这也并非什么奇特的事情,在上海的弄堂里,租一间小房子住着的人,就时时可以体验到。他和周围的住户,是不一定见过面的,但只隔一层薄板壁,所以有些人家的眷属和客人的谈话,尤其是高声的谈话,都大略可以听到,久而久之,就知道那里有那些人,而且仿佛觉得那些人是怎样的人了。

如果删除了不必要之点,只摘出各人的有特色的谈话来,我想,就可以使别人从谈话里推见每个说话的人物。但我并不是说,这就成了中国的巴尔札克。(《花边文学·看书琐记》)

 

鲁迅不仅认为《水浒传》和《红楼梦》以及中国的所有小说家,都远不及西方,而且将两书的对话与上海的小市民的谈话水平相比拟,不仅比喻不伦,而且是他在理论上的一个重大失误,也更是五四新文化运动反传统反过头的一个典型表现。我于《中国小说史略》释评本(上海文化出版社2005、台北:五南出版公司2009;北京涌思出版公司即将出版增补本)中已予批评,在上海的高校、文艺界或各种讲坛讲课、做有关讲座时,还都以两书中的对话佳例分析、指出:《水浒传》和《红楼梦》的对话艺术成就要高于西方经典名著。此前,文坛前辈施蛰存先生在30年代也从另一个角度谈及中国小说的对话描写高于西方的观点①。

晚清的改良派文学家都高度评价金圣叹。此后,五四新文化阵营的其他主将如周作人、李大钊,名家如刘复(刘半农),及其后辈郑振铎等,都对金圣叹及《金批水浒》的评价极高。只有鲁迅,极端鄙视金圣叹和《金批水浒》。

 

二、鲁迅论金圣叹和《金批水浒》,一贯充满偏见

鲁迅对金圣叹抱有很大的偏见,他一贯错误地全盘否定金圣叹,甚至讥笑金圣叹为反贪官而悲惨受害,是官府早就认为他是“坏货”的缘故。

鲁迅最早全盘否定《金批水浒》是他在北京大学的讲稿《中国小说史略》中。他说金圣叹修改评批的《水浒》“惟字句亦小有佳处”,“至于刊落(砍去《水浒》后半部)之由,什九常因世变”,是反对农民造反的表现。鲁迅引用胡适《水浒传考证》的观点具体批评和否定金圣叹:“他觉得强盗是不能提倡的,是应该口诛笔伐的。”

后来他又指责说:

宋江据有山寨,虽打家劫舍,而劫富济贫,金圣叹却道应该在童贯高俅辈的爪牙之前,一个个俯首受缚,他们想不懂。所以《水浒传》纵然成了断尾巴蜻蜒,乡下人却还要看《武松独手擒方腊》这些戏。(《南腔北调集·谈金圣叹》)

鲁迅在此前说过:

一部《水浒》,说得很分明:因为不反对天子,所以大军一到,便受招安,替国家打别的强盗——不“替天行道”的强盗去了。终于是奴才。(《三闲集·流氓的变迁》)

鲁迅为了否定金圣叹,竟然发表与自己相反的观点,赞同乡下人坚持要看歌颂这个打“不‘替天行道’的强盗”的“奴才”、“独手擒方腊”的武松的“这些戏”。

有鲁学家辩护说:他写的是杂文,是取其一点,不及其余的写法。但这样的做法只能运用于日常小事的比喻和发挥,对待古典名著,也用这种实用主义的做法,是违背学理的

而问题更严重的是,鲁迅本人一贯是痛骂和贬斥强盗的。鲁迅将“黄巢杀人”与“始皇焚书”并题,还曾痛斥张献忠杀人,怒斥李逵杀看客。鲁迅的这些指斥是正确的、正义的。

鲁迅自己痛恨强盗,并多次给以批判,而又指责金圣叹反对强盗,出尔反尔,这是第一层错误,属于英雄欺人;鲁迅没有读懂金圣叹,金圣叹对强盗是颇有赞美之处的,这是第二层错误,暴露鲁迅的学识有严重不足之处。至于欧阳健《<中国小说史略>批判》,整本书是为研究生讲课一学期的讲稿,专谈鲁迅《中国小说史略》文献运用中的错误和不足之处,值得所有的人一读。

人无完人,鲁迅是伟大的思想家、文学家。他的以上失误是狮子身上的虱子而已。但他的错误影响深远,金圣叹在20世纪50-70年代大受批判的根子在他的身上。

 

三、胡适论《金批水浒》,先是大褒大贬,最后给以居高无上的赞颂

胡适早年对金圣叹和《金批水浒》的评价颇有矛盾。他极力赞誉,又大力否定。

胡适对金圣叹评价极高,胡适在《<水浒传>考证》开首就说:

金圣叹是十七世纪的一个大怪杰,他能在那个时代大胆宣言,说《水浒》与《史记》《(战)国策》有同等的文学价值,说施耐庵董解元与庄周屈原司马迁杜甫在文学史上占同等的位置,说“天下之文章无有出《水浒》右者,天下之格物君子无有出施耐庵右者!”这是何等眼光!何等胆气!

这种文学眼光,在古人中很不可多得。

可是他接着又大贬《金批水浒》:

但是金圣叹究竟是明末的人。那时代是“选家”最风行的时代;……金圣叹用了当时的“选家”评文的眼光来逐句批《水浒》,把一部《水浒》凌迟碎砍成了一部“十七世纪眉批夹注的白话文范”。例如圣叹最得意的批评史指出景阳冈一段连写十八次“哨棒”,紫石街一段连写十四次“帘子”和三十八次“笑”。这种机械的文评正是八股选家的流毒,读了不但没有益处,平且养成了一种八股式的文学观念,是很有害的。

金圣叹的《水浒》评,不但有八股选家气,还有理学先生气。

接着又进一步否定《金批水浒》说:

    但是金圣叹《水浒》评的大毛病也正在这个“史”上。中国人心里的“史”总脱不了春秋笔法“寓褒贬,别善恶”的流毒。金圣叹把《春秋》的“微言大义”用到《水浒》上去,故有许多极迂腐的议论。……这种无中生有的主观见解,真正冤煞古人!圣叹常骂三家村学究不懂得“作史笔法”,却不知圣叹正为懂得作史笔法太多了,所以他的迂腐比三家村学究的更可厌!

于是,胡适在《水浒传考证》开首即赞扬1920年的新标点本《水浒传》摈弃了金批,他说:

    我的朋友汪原放用新式标点符号把《水浒传》重新点读一遍,由上海亚东图书馆排印出版。这是用新标点来翻印旧书的第一次。……

这部书有一层大长处,就是把金圣叹的评和序都删去了。

(以上皆据《水浒传考证》,《中国章回小说考证》第1-8页,实业印书馆1942年版,上海书店1979年影印本)

可见胡适是对《金批水浒》大力否定、造成《金批水浒》在民国时期消失的罪魁祸首。于是自1920年起,至1985年我出版《金圣叹全集》时推出《金批水浒》的标点本(作为《金圣叹全集》的第一、二册,印制4万册),有金批的《水浒传》在出版界被禁绝了65年。

可是胡适晚年发表了他重新认识《金批水浒》的重要观点。

1952年,胡适在台湾大学演讲《治学方法》中回顾《水浒传考证》此文时,强调:金圣叹砍去《水浒》后半,是因为“他以文学的眼光,”“又有文学的天才”,“这是文学的革命,思想的革命,是文学史上大革命的宣言”。“他把《水浒》批得很好”,“因此,金圣叹的《水浒》,打倒一切《水浒》”。(《胡适红楼梦研究论述全编》第237页,上海古籍出版社1988)

胡适看到鲁迅《中国小说史略》引用自己的观点和所显示的彻底否定金圣叹的倾向,显然是不同意的,所以他的上述言论明显是针对鲁迅的错误观点的。

胡适在1961年1月17日写给苏雪林和高阳的信中又说:

最后得到十七世纪文学怪杰金圣叹的大删削与细修改,方可得到那部三百年人人爱赏的七十一回本《水浒传》。

(金圣叹)真是有绝顶高明的文学见地的天才批评家的大本领,真使那部伟大的小说格外显出精彩!

而且,其修改的细处,不是鲁迅所说的“惟字句亦小有佳处”,他感叹:“这真是‘点铁成金’的大本领!”“是《水浒传》的最大幸运。”“《红楼梦》有过这样大幸运吗?”(同上第294-295页)

可惜胡适的这些重要观点,一则因大陆与台湾的隔绝、音讯不通,二则因胡适的有些重要观点是在私人信件中发布的,所以在大陆学界毫无影响。20世纪九十年代,胡适的著作在大陆通行,后来还出版了《胡适全集》,但是他的这些重要的观点淹没在其著作的浩瀚篇幅中,兼之当今学者大多固守自己专业的狭隘阅读范围,胡适的这些观点依旧罕有人知,无人重视。于是众多的学术论著依旧只知胡适的早期观点,并对胡适的《金批水浒》评论做了错误的评论。

 

四、钱穆与陈寅恪论金圣叹和《金批水浒》

钱穆和胡适一样,给《金批水浒》以极高和最高的评价,但是钱穆论说的角度与胡适不同。他的《中国文化与文艺天地》长文,通篇全评金圣叹和《金批水浒》的伟大成就,因此不仅是他本人一生中最重要的文章之一,也是20世纪中国文化史上最重要的文章之一。

此文还回忆自己幼时即与《金批水浒》结下因缘的经过,并强调:“自余细读圣叹批”《水浒传》之前,“读得此书(《水浒传》)滚瓜烂熟,还如未尝读。”“读其批《水浒》,使我神情兴奋”,后来一再读金批《水浒》,“每为之踊跃鼓舞。(钱穆《中国文学论丛》第144页,北京:三联书店2002)

他进而认为他是通过《金批水浒》学到了读书的方法。

钱穆只有小学学历,他通过自学成为20世纪最杰出的学术大师之一。钱穆在此文中宣称:是《金批水浒》教会了他读书方法,他一生用《金批水浒》教他的读书方法来阅读和研究一切著作。

从他对《金批水浒》的评价和亲身的体会,可见此书对指导青年学习和欣赏经典著作的重大意义。

新儒家和当今称为学贯中西的国学大师的人物除钱穆外,也都赞誉金圣叹。例如马一浮先生早在1904年3月12日即评价金圣叹说:“宋明以来,腐儒满国,此人特聪明,有自由思想,而世人乃以轻薄诟之,可哀也。”(转引自2008年11月2-5日·浙江杭州、上虞“纪念马一浮先生诞辰125周年暨国际学术研讨会”的林桂榛论文:《“万里来寻独立碑”——马一浮游学北美述略》)

国学大师陈寅恪未曾直接评论过金圣叹,但他数次在著作中引用或论述金圣叹。例如:

继而思之,尝亦能读金圣叹之书矣。其注水浒传,凡所删易,辄曰:“古本作某,今依古本改正。”夫彼之所谓古本者,非神州历世共传之古本,而苏州金人瑞胸中独具之古本也。由是言之,今日治先秦子史之学,与先生(按指刘叔雅)所为大异者,乃以明清放浪之才人,而谈商周邃古之朴学。其所著书,几何不为金圣叹胸中独具之古本,转欲以之留赠后人,焉得不为古人痛哭耶?《刘叔雅庄子补正序》,《金明馆丛稿二编》第258页,北京:三联书店2001。

陈寅恪先生是严谨的学者,他从严谨的治学角度看待金圣叹以“古本”名义改动《水浒传》的原作颇有不以为然的态度,并以此批评一些学者的粗疏治学。

但是从这段文气中可看出,陈寅恪先生早就熟读过“金圣叹之书”,他对《金批水浒》本身并无不满,仅仅是借此为喻批评率意为学的学者而已。

他又曾在其名著中说:

文思贯澈钩结如是精妙,特为标出,以供读者之参考。寅恪于此,虽不免有金人瑞以八股文法评西厢记之嫌疑,终不敢辞也。《元白诗笺证稿》第一章《长恨歌》第13页,上海古籍出版社1978。

八股文法在二十世纪已成过街老鼠,人人喊打了,但是陈寅恪先生依旧不嫌其落后、过时,反而明白地强调揭出自己坚持用这种方法才能“标出”唐代诗歌大家的“文思贯澈钩结如是精妙”,其中就有一种态度在。

我在《流民皇帝——从刘邦到朱元璋》(上海画报出版社2004、上海锦绣文章出版社2012即将出版纸质书增订版和电子版)的第四章《汉族的最后的开国皇帝朱元璋》中,引用前辈学术权威邓云乡、张中行、金克木、启功等人的观点和当代学者的成果,结合自己的研究,指出科举制的正确性、必要性和八股文的重要性:八股文是艺术性极高的一种精妙文体,八股文对中国政治、思想、文化和教育的发展做出了极大的贡献。

陈寅恪又在他的另一部巨著《柳如是别传》的最后说:

草此稿竟,合掌说偈曰:刺刺不休,沾沾自喜。忽庄忽谐,亦文亦史。述事言情,悯生悲死。繁琐冗长,见笑君子。失明膑足,尚未聋哑。得成此书,乃天所假卧榻沉思,然脂瞑写。痛哭古人,留赠来者。

陈寅恪这部用极大的心血写成的血泪之作,最后竟然用金圣叹语“痛哭古人,留赠来者”的这段偈语作结,是陈寅恪对己作《柳如是别传》的恰切评价,也是金圣叹评批著作的成就特色和命运写照,无疑是金圣叹对他深刻影响的一种必然反映。

 

①施蛰存1937年在《小说中的对话》中提到在西洋小说被认为是“文学上的正格”时,有一种观点认为中国旧小说中常是对话与叙述连贯地写下去,没有引号或分行的标明,使读者看不清什么地方是对话、什么地方是叙述。……反映了西洋小说对中国小说影响之深,用施蛰存的话来说简直是“过继给西洋的传统了”。但是,施蛰存却从自己的创作体验出发,认为利用导引语和补注语会使对话与叙述的本体脱节,破坏小说的文体美。由此,他提出了一个更值得深思的问题,即所谓西洋式的正格的小说“到底它们比章回体,话本体,传奇体甚至笔记体的小说能多给读者若干好处呢?曹雪芹描写一个林黛玉,不曾应用心理分析法,也没有冗繁地记述对话,但林黛玉之心理,林黛玉之谈吐,每一个看过《红楼梦》的人都能想象得到,揣摹得出”。(《二十世纪中国小说理论资料》吴福辉编第三卷,北京大学出版社1997年版,第47l页)《水浒传》也是如此。

 

 


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[转载]转载:袁枚与《红楼梦》-陈庭平

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袁枚与《红楼梦》---陈庭平

陈庭平
内容提要 袁枚在《随园诗话》中对《红楼梦》的论述,引起了古今学者的关注和批评。本文分析了其中的几个疑问,认为袁枚的论述仍然是研究《红楼梦》的依据之一,至少可以肯定《红楼梦》在当时已经流行,其作者就是曹雪芹,其父曹羁赡懿斡谛醋鳌4蠊墼笆恰逗炻ッ巍 的艺术创造,它的原型不可能只指某一个地方,所谓原型是作者一生见到的所有的园林景观。大观园只能在《红楼梦》中。
关键词 袁枚 红楼梦 大观园

              

      清朝的大诗人袁枚在《随园诗话》中记录了有关《红楼梦》的两条论述:(据乾隆五十七年刊本)卷二中说康熙间,曹練(楝)亭为江宁织造……其子雪芹撰《红楼梦》一部,备记风月繁华之盛。明我斋读而羡之。当时红楼中有某校书尤艳。我斋题云:病容憔悴胜桃花,······”在卷十六中又说:丁未八月,余答客之便,见秦淮壁上题云:一溪烟水露华凝·····”三首深得竹枝风趣。尾属翠云道人。访之,乃织造成公之子啸厓所作,名延福。有才如此,可与雪芹公子前后辉映。雪芹者,曹练亭织造之嗣君也,相隔已百年矣。后来又有了新的说法(据道光四年刊本)康熙间,曹練(楝)亭为江宁织造……其子雪芹撰《红楼梦》一部,备记风月繁华之盛。中有所谓文(大)观园者,即余之随园也。当时红楼中有女校书某尤艳。雪芹赠云:病容憔悴胜桃花·····”这几段论述留下了诸多疑点,一是随园是否就是大观园,二是《红楼梦》作者与父辈关系的是否有误,三是女校书是否专指妓女。又因《诗话》版本多,说法不一,引起了很多学者和红学家的争论,基本上否定了袁枚说法。平心而论,由于当时信息闭塞,交通又极不方便,误传也是有的,毕竟袁枚与曹雪芹是同时期的人,他的这段论述也不能忽视,仍然是研究《红楼梦》的依据之一。

                                        随园与大观园

     南京的随园因《随园诗话》而出名,又因随园即大观园之说,更令人关注。袁枚在《随园诗话》和《随园记》中分别记载了随园的来历,园景及规模。自称用三百金购得原江宁织造隋先生的花园,只把隋改作随,弃官以后就在随园住了几十年,经过不断的改造茨墙剪园,易檐改途。随其高,为置江楼;随其下,为置溪亭;随其夹涧,为之桥;随其湍流,为之舟;随其地之隆中而欹侧也,为缀峰岫;随其蓊郁而旷也,为设宧窔。或扶而起之,或挤而止之,皆随其丰杀繁瘠,就势取景,而莫之夭阏者。建成随园。而且四面不设围墙,任游人去来自如。因随园规模大,有许多树木半夜里鸟声怪异,家人很害怕。这就是随园的一个概貌,可以说有山、有水、有树木、有溪亭、也有规模。但也很幽深,寂静。

      《红楼梦》中描写的大观园又是怎样一个景象呢?在第十六回通过贾蓉之口,说:从东边一带,借着东府里花园起,转至北边,一共丈量准了三里半大,可以盖造省亲别院了.这就是大观园的规模,有的学者概算为300多亩。第十七回贾政带领众清客查看大观园工程情况很多景点描写的很细致,如刚进正门,往前一望:见白石崚嶒,或如鬼怪,或如猛兽, 纵横拱立,上面苔藓成斑,藤萝掩映,其中微露羊肠小径。这是一山景。后来众人逶迤进入山口。脂批中又写道按此一大园,羊肠鸟道不止几百十条,穿东度西,临山过水,······”“进入石洞来.只见佳木茏葱,奇花闪灼,一带清流,从花木深处曲折泻于石隙之下.再进数步,渐向北边,平坦宽豁,两边飞楼插空,雕 绣槛,皆隐于山 树杪之间.俯而视之,则清溪泻雪,石磴穿云,白石为栏,环抱池沿,石桥三港,兽面衔吐.桥上有亭.”这里有水有楼有亭有树,乃典型的山水之境。于是出亭过池, 一山一石,一花一木,莫不着意观览.忽抬头看见前面一带粉垣,里面数楹修舍, 有千百竿翠竹遮映。如此美妙雅景,难怪贾政说:若能月夜坐此窗下读书,不枉虚生一世。后面的描写尤如仙境,有各种树木,佳蔬菜花,又有小池,可以游船。 池边两行垂柳, 杂着桃杏,遮天蔽日,真无一些尘土.”进入正殿更是富丽堂皇。还有清堂茅舍,幽尼佛寺,林中道房,长廊曲洞,方厦园亭等等景点,无不诱人。总之,大观园景色难于用三言两语概括。这只是小说的描写,当然与实际的随园差别很大,但也有相似的地方。

       袁枚说随园就是大观园,其主要依据来之他与明义(姓富察氏,字我斋,满洲人,乾隆朝做上驷的侍卫)的交往。明义写了《 题红楼梦》二十首绝句,在诗前小引中写道:曹子雪芹出所撰《红楼梦》一部,备记风月繁华之盛。盖其先人为江宁织府,其所谓大观园者,即今随园故址。惜其书未传,世鲜知者,余见其钞本焉。袁枚读了明义的诗,才在《诗话》中写了《红楼梦》那段话。其二,袁枚所买的随园来之江宁织造隋赫德的园地,隋赫德又是接管原江宁织造曹罴宜胁撇闹苯尤耍诓榉獠芗业淖噙≈行吹细查其房屋并家人住房十三处,共计四百八十三;地八处,共十九顷零六十七亩;······”随园地可能是其中之一处。但是袁枚在《诗话》补遗卷一中说“ 余买小仓山废园,旧为康熙间织造隋公之园,故仍其姓,易 ,取随之时义大矣哉之意。这一段有明显的时间错误,隋公是在雍正年间任江宁织造的而不是在康熙间。也许是袁枚弃官后不关心朝廷大事而误写,但不应该有这个错误,所以对袁枚的话人们就更加质疑了。

                                         曹楝亭之子说

     曹楝亭即曹寅,是曹雪芹的爷爷。因其太爷曹玺在金陵老宅即西园亲手种过一株楝树,长大后,乃在其下筑了一草亭。曹寅就选定楝亭二字作为别号,加之后来写有《楝亭诗钞》就很有名气了。袁枚在《诗话》把曹雪芹说成是曹楝亭之子,其实这种说法不止袁枚一人。清人陈其元在《庸闲斋笔记》卷八说淫书以《红楼梦》为最·····此书乃康熙年间江宁织造曹楝亭之子雪芹所撰。乾嘉时期一位著名的常州派经学家宋翔风传述:曹雪芹《红楼梦》······曹实楝亭先生子,素放浪,至衣食不给。其父执某,钥空实中,三年,遂成此书云。为何都认为曹雪芹是曹楝亭之子呢?实在令人深思。袁枚为什么錯把曹雪芹说成曹楝亭之子而不是曹楝亭之孙?就是因为,只有曹楝亭的子辈曹畈拍苄闯隼捶缭路被ⅲ恫⒉恢啦苎┣塾胨峭贝娜恕T渡诳滴跷迨迥辏1716年)袁枚的年龄可能比曹雪芹还大几岁,他长期生活在江宁,并在乾隆十年到十三年做过江宁知县,他深知曹家的富贵繁华之盛是在康熙朝。曹楝亭的子辈恰逢其时,曹畲涌滴跷迨哪辏1715)到1727年做了八年江宁织造,因政治原因被查抄、罢官,次年就就返回北京了。那时曹雪芹还只是一个五岁的孩子(也有的说十三岁),不可能对家庭变故体会很深。当袁枚与明义交往中听到《红楼梦》书中写有曹雪芹的名字,(袁枚可能未读过《红楼梦》),就把曹雪芹当成曹楝亭的儿子,以致造成这样的误会。难怪有的学者认为《红楼梦》的原作者应该是曹雪芹的父亲曹 后因曹雪芹于悼红轩中披阅十载,增删五次,纂成目录,分出章回,则题曰《金陵十二钗》.并题一绝云:(诗略)形成了最初的《红楼梦》。作者名自然就是曹雪芹了。由此看来,父子二人连续写作是有可能的。所以袁枚相隔已百年矣。之说也就有了依据。

 女校书之说

   袁枚在《随园诗话》中引用了明义《题红楼梦》中两首诗。病容愈觉胜桃花,午汗潮回热转加,犹恐意中人看出,慰言今日较差些。” “威仪棣棣若山河,还把风流夺绮罗。不似小家拘束态,笑时偏少默时多。红学家蔡义江在《红楼梦诗词曲赋全解》中解释前一首是写黛玉的病态,意中人宝玉探病,书中屡见;后一首是写凤姐事。风流是凤姐的特点。又特别说袁枚《随园诗话》中引导说:当时红楼中有女校书某尤艳。意思是这两首中写到的小说人物都是指这位女校书(妓女) 这纯属附会。还把郭沫若嘲笑袁枚的诗附在后面。

       “女校书究竟是何含义呢?《辞源》上解释:【校书本为东汉、三国魏时校勘书籍的官名,如校书郎、袐书校书郎等。后用女校书称有才华能诗文的妇女。······唐六名家集王建诗八题作寄蜀中薛涛校书。因薛涛为唐代名妓,后来也把能诗文的妓女叫女校书。】由于袁枚喜欢女色,经常和妓女在一起喝酒吟诗,所以很多专家认为袁枚所指的女校书就是妓女,由此断定袁枚没有读过《红楼梦》,甚至误解了《红楼梦》。如果解释为有才华的女子,那么就与《红楼梦》中描写的人物十分相符了。袁枚本来就很喜欢有才华的女子,又特别不喜欢文字规定的约束,这里用校书二字是否有其他用意呢?

     袁枚的《诗话》采用随笔的方式记录了各类人物的诗话,有很多地方是凭记忆和道听途说的,难免有误记的地方。加之后来翻版较多,袁枚在补遗卷三中说:余刻《诗话》、《尺牍》二种,被人翻板,以一时风行,卖者得价故也。近闻又有翻刻《随园全集》者。以致真假难分。有关《红楼梦》论述前后不一,自然引起来人们质疑,遭到一些人的批评,甚至袁的后人也不满大观园即吾家之随园也之说,但这一切尚需要专家进一步考证以辩真假。

         终上所述,有一个基本的肯定,《红楼梦》在袁枚时代已经开始流行了,大多数文人都知道作者就是曹雪芹,其父辈曹钜部赡懿斡搿U庖彩窃堵凼觥逗炻ッ巍返囊庖逅凇4蠊墼笆呛炻ッ涡∷敌楣沟囊桓鼍哂心媳弊酆闲蕴氐愕纳剿傲志暗悖蠊墼笆且桓鲆帐醮丛臁4蠊墼暗拿栊丛毯朔岣坏闹泄糯煸耙帐趵砺郏燃嬗斜狈皆傲趾湍戏皆傲值奶氐悖挥旨嬗泄笞逶傲钟牖始以傲值奶氐恪2苎┣墼诒噬辖ㄔ炝艘桓龃蠊墼埃脑筒豢赡苤恢改骋桓龅胤剑皆途褪亲髡咭簧降乃械脑傲志肮邸S腥颂岢鼍┗未Υ蠊墼埃坑兴嬖八担织造西花园说,北京恭王府说,圆明园说苏州拙政园说,近来还有长安(西安)说,其实花力气考证都是不必要的,否则就会进入偏离学术研究的怪圈。大观园只能在《红楼梦》中。

参考文献:

1、周汝昌  曹雪芹小传    百花文艺出版社   1980

2、曹雪芹  红楼梦脂砚斋批评本  岳麓书社   2006

3、蔡义江   红楼梦诗词曲赋全解   复旦大学出版社2009

4. 故宫博物馆档案部   关于江宁织造曹家档案史料  中华书局出版  1975

5、胡德平 说不尽的红楼梦曹雪芹在香山    中华书局出版  2004

6、《随园诗话》参考《诗词论坛网电子版》和韩虚子编译的《随园诗话》

 

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[转载]袁枚 读懂《红楼梦》

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原文地址:袁枚 读懂《红楼梦》作者:点子t

               袁枚 读懂《红楼梦》(转)

   袁枚是清代著名的大诗人兼文艺批评家,他在《随园诗话》中写道:“雪芹撰《红楼梦》一部,备记风月繁华之盛,明我斋读而羡之。当时红楼中有某校书尤艳,我斋题云:‘病容憔悴胜桃花,午汗潮回热转加。犹恐意中人看出,强言今日较差些。’”
    “明我斋”,即富察明义,字我斋,清朝乾隆时人。他有本诗集叫《绿烟琐窗集》,里面有《题红楼梦》诗二十首,是正面提到《红楼梦》的最早资料,袁枚引用的是其中的第十四首。“校书”,妓女之别称。袁枚认为《红楼梦》中写了很多妓女;而明义看到后非常艳羡,还为其中最“艳”的一个写了这首诗。
    郭沫若在《读随园诗话札记》中批道:“明我斋诗所咏者毫无问题是林黛玉,而袁枚却称之为‘校书’。这是把‘红楼’当成青楼去了。看来袁枚并没有看过《红楼梦》,他只是看到明我斋的诗而加以主观臆断而已。……诚然风物记繁华,非是秦淮旧酒家。词客英灵应落泪,心中有妓奈何他?”
    郭沫若讥讽袁枚:你自己是个色鬼,所以才将“红楼”当作了“青楼”。并认定袁枚“主观臆断”。
    但到底是谁在“主观臆断”呢?我们通过解读《红楼梦》中的谜语,来回答这个问题。

    《石头记》第五十一回,“薛小妹新编怀古诗”:“宝琴将素习所经过各省内的古迹为题,作了十首怀古绝句,内隐十物。”作者明确告诉我们薛宝琴所作的是谜语诗,但并没有指出谜底,只是说:“大家猜了一回,皆不是。”
    我们便来试猜“怀古诗”之谜,先猜其中的第五首到第十首。注意,这里我们不讨论“怀古诗”的表面意思。

             广陵怀古 其五
       蝉噪鸦栖转眼过,隋堤风景近如何。
       只缘占得风流号,惹得纷纷口舌多。
    谜底:1、柳 2、柳如是
    解读
    1、“蝉噪鸦栖”在什么地方呢?当然是树上。“隋堤”,隋朝大运河两岸;“风景”,两岸所种之柳。这里用的是隋炀帝修建京杭大运河的典故,大运河两岸种着两行柳树。此处说的正是“柳树”。
    “只缘占得风流号,惹得纷纷口舌多”,此说也符合柳树的名声,什么“柳眉”,“柳腰”,什么“花街柳巷”等等,甚至“花柳病”;而这些风流名号,确实容易引起口舌是非。所以此谜谜底非“柳”莫属。
    2、此谜还有另外一个暗含着的谜底:柳如是。
    柳如是,明末清初江南名妓,鼎鼎大名的“秦淮八艳”之一。
    “蝉噪鸦栖转眼过,隋堤风景近如何”,我们已经知道说的是“柳”。“只缘占得风流号,惹得纷纷口舌多”,这一句要表达的是:“柳”正是“像这样”啊,“柳”正“如是”也!柳如是。

    《红楼梦》中的妓女就这样出现了。但孤证不立,柳如是乃“秦淮八艳”之一,是否“秦淮八艳”都会出现在《红楼梦》里呢?请继续往下看。           

              桃叶渡怀古其六
       衰草闲花映浅池,桃枝桃叶总分离。
       六朝梁栋多如许,小照空悬壁上题。
    谜底:1、对联(特指“对子”) 2、卞玉京
    解读
    1、宋代王安石在《元日》一诗中写道:“爆竹声中一岁除,春风送暖入屠苏。千门万户瞳瞳日,总把新桃换旧符。”其中的“新桃”和“旧符”,就是现在的“春联”。明白了“桃枝桃叶”之“桃”的意思后,我们再来反推验证:
  “衰草闲花映浅池”,春联就像“衰草闲花”一样围着门、窗、牌坊等“池”形之物的周围。“桃枝”,上联;“桃叶”,下联。上联下联分别贴在两边,所以说“桃枝桃叶总分离”。但是作为“横批”的桃花呢?“壁上题”,“壁”,也是与之谐音的“避”,逃避、避免的意思;逃避什么呢?“上”,上方,这里指春联之横批所在的地方;那么意思就是:逃避被当作横批题写在上方。正是“桃之夭夭”,逃之夭夭了。“六朝梁栋多如许”,“六朝”,点出金陵;“梁栋”,横梁竖栋,都是题写春联的地方;“小照空悬”,即没有横批;没有横批的春联就是对子。“六朝梁栋多如许,小照空悬壁上题”,虽然金陵的梁栋那么多,但人们题写的都是没有横批的对联(特指对子)。
    2、从卞玉京与吴梅村的爱情故事,我们可以知道此谜暗含着的谜底正是卞玉京。
    卞玉京,明末清初江南名妓,秦淮八艳之一。
    卞玉京痴恋才子吴梅村,曾三次与吴梅村相会吐真情。但吴梅村是一个有色无胆、忘明事清的懦夫,就是不敢谈婚论嫁,每次都装疯卖傻,借故推辞,“逃之夭夭”。两人虽然以诗词相和,倾述爱慕思念之情,但正如上面所说的对联,只有“总分离”的桃枝桃叶(相和之诗词,也正如对子),没有横批;既然没有横批,也就不是“春联”,没有“春联”之“春”,当然开不出美丽的桃花了。

              青冢怀古其七
       黑水茫茫咽不流,冰弦拨尽曲中愁。
       汉家制度诚堪叹,樗栎应惭万古羞。
    谜底:1、墨斗  2、马湘兰
    解读
    1、“黑水”,“不流”,“弦拨”,“樗栎”(表示与木有关),正是木匠所用的墨斗,也是盛墨之器。“汉家制度诚堪叹,樗栎应惭万古羞”,意思为:汉家的墨斗确实值得赞叹啊,那些不成器的臭椿杂木应该感到惭愧,作万古羞!“樗栎”,臭椿杂木,指不能成器的东西。       
    2 、马湘兰,明末江南名妓,秦淮八艳之一。马湘兰擅丹青,尤擅墨兰,其墨兰图(现存日本东京博物馆,叹!)堪称一绝。兰即篮,和墨斗一样,也是盛物之器。所以,墨斗→墨篮→墨兰→墨兰图→马湘兰。如果将后两句中的“墨斗”替换为画出“墨兰图”的马湘兰,也一点不勉强。

             马嵬怀古其八
       寂寞脂痕渍汗光,温柔一旦付东洋。
       只因遗得风流迹,此日衣衾尚有香。
    谜底:1、扇子  2、李香君
    解读
    1、且看这把“扇子”,能不能“温柔”地让“汗渍”“付东洋”呢?
胭脂都浸在汗水里了(“脂痕渍汗光”),热啊!一旦温柔的风吹过来就干了(“温柔一旦付东洋”)。“温柔”从何而来呢?正是扇子所扇。但是衣衾上已经沾上了随汗流淌的胭脂,所以这一天还留着香味。
    2、提到扇子,能不想到《桃花扇》吗?李香君血溅《桃花扇》,那是怎样的一把扇子!而李香君本人,因为身材小巧玲珑,肤理玉色,慧俊婉转,被时人誉为“香扇坠”。
    李香君,明末清初江南名妓,秦淮八艳之一。孔尚任写有关于她的名著《桃花扇》。

              蒲东寺怀古其九
       小红骨贱最身轻,私掖偷携强撮成。
       虽被夫人时吊起,已经勾引彼同行。
    谜底:1、眉  2、寇白门
    解读
    1、我们来看看“眉”是怎么“勾引彼同行”的吧:
    “媚骨”(眉骨)当然贱,眉毛当然轻,虽然也有眉开眼笑的时候(“虽被夫人时吊起”),但现在却开始皱眉了(“私掖偷携”,谁能亲眼看见自己皱眉呢?),而且还不是一般的皱眉,那是要哭时的皱眉(“强撮成”),看,已经热泪盈眶了……(“已经勾引彼同行”)。谜底是眉。
    2、皱眉加上泪水,“眉”加“水”即为“湄”,乃寇湄之名,即寇白门。
寇白门,明末清初江南名妓,秦淮八艳之一。
    “小红”乃小朱,小朱乃大明之保国公朱国弼,后来叛明投清,确实是既“贱”又“最身轻”。朱国弼曾花两万聘金,为寇白门赎身,并娶了她。按照当时的风俗习惯,妓女脱籍从良或婚娶都必须在夜间进行,所以叫做“私掖偷携”。而所谓“强撮成”,是说对方并非心甘情愿。朱国弼不顾国体羞耻,不怕背骂名,即所谓“虽被夫人时吊起”,但朱国弼仍然恃势购买名妓为妻,即“已经勾引彼同行”。“勾引”之“勾”,“购”也。
    呜呼,大明今何在?

             梅花观怀古其十
       不在梅边在柳边,个中谁拾画婵娟。
       团圆莫忆春香到,一别西风又一年。
    谜底:1、莲  2、董小宛
    解读
    1、“在柳边”,“柳”多依水而种,如上面提到的隋堤之柳,那么“在柳边”表示在水里。“个中谁拾画婵娟”,谁知道可以用它比对着画“婵娟”呢?“婵娟”即月亮,所以应该是圆形,而且和月亮大小相似,这能是什么呢?荷叶也。“团圆莫忆春香到”,中秋的时候不要想起春天的荷花香,荷花开在春天,秋天当然指没有莲花之莲了。“一别西风又一年”,西风一吹荷叶就枯萎了,只有明年再见了。所以谜底是莲。
    2、莲→无花之莲→青莲→董小宛。
    董小宛,明末清初江南名妓,秦淮八艳之一,号青莲,早亡。其夫冒僻疆有《影梅庵忆语》忆之。所以作者在这里调侃冒僻疆:你这个傻瓜,怎么会在“影梅庵”怀念董小宛呢?董小宛号“青莲”,“青莲”当然应该在水里了,你应该去水边才对啊?或者说:你这伪君子,分明是在装模作样,别再假惺惺的了。所以有“不在梅边在柳边”之说,“梅”即指影梅庵之梅。

    解读至此,已经完全明白了吧?袁枚和郭沫若,究竟谁在“主观臆断”?!
既然人称“秦淮八艳”,现在才聚齐了六位啊?还有两位在何处?让我们先找出“秦淮八艳”之一的陈圆圆,至于“秦淮八艳”之首的顾横波,我们后面再说。

           钟山怀古 其三
       名利何曾伴汝身,无端被诏出凡尘。
       牵连大抵难休绝,莫笑他人嘲笑频。
    谜底:1、傀儡  2、陈圆圆
    解读
    1、“牵连”,可以理解为牵扯,什么会被牵过来、扯过去,并且是无休止的呢?这是一种思路。再联系诗中所表达的意思进行分析,无缘无故被弄出来,而且自己毫无所得,还要遭人嘲笑,自然会想到木偶戏中的木偶人,即傀儡。再反过来验证,只要别把“无端被诏出凡尘”句中的“出凡尘”理解为离开凡尘,而理解为“出到”或“去到”凡尘,就可以肯定谜底只有一个:傀儡。
    2、此谜暗含着的另一个谜底:陈圆圆。
    陈圆圆,明末清初江南名妓,秦淮八艳之一,擅梨园之胜,即擅长演戏,但只是会演戏的傀儡。陈圆圆被田贵妃之父田畹带进京城献给崇祯,正是所谓“无端被诏出凡尘”,此处的“出”,应该理解为“离开”。陈圆圆的事迹家喻户晓,她进京后的经历无不与谜面所表达的意思对榫,这里不再赘述。

    这样总共有了七个妓女,但《红楼梦》中不是有所谓的“金陵十二钗”吗?既然提到了妓女,也应该有十二个啊?况且“薛小妹怀古诗”只有十首,究竟怎么凑呢?不急,在薛小妹作怀古诗之前的第五十回,史湘云、薛宝钗和林黛玉三人,还作过三首“灯谜诗”,这样再加上“薛小妹怀古诗”的其它两首,正好“十二钗”。
    我们先猜两首“怀古诗”,再猜三首“灯谜诗”。

             交址怀古其二
       铜铸金镛振纪纲,声传海外播戎羌。
       马援自是功劳大,铁笛无烦说子房。
    谜底:1、铜鼓  2、黄皆令
    解读
    1、“镛”,古乐器,奏乐时表示节拍的大钟;“铁笛”,铁做的笛子,金属乐器;“铜铸金镛”,用铜做的金色的古乐器;“纪纲”,法度,从下两句提到“马援”和“子房”来分析,应指军队的法度。与军事有关的铜制古乐器是什么呢?铜鼓和锣等。古时军队用鼓和锣发令,击鼓而进,鸣锣而退或鸣金收兵。“声传海外播戎羌”,说明各处大获全胜,不应该是鸣锣而退,而应该是击鼓而进。
    谜面可以解读为:
    用铜鼓号令全军健全了军队的法度,铜鼓的声音也随着法度严谨的军队的胜利,传播到海外戎羌。马援这样冲锋陷阵的武将功劳当然很大,但别忘了张子房这样制定军队法度(比如用铜鼓号令全军)的运筹帷幄者。
    所以谜底是铜鼓。
    2、“铜铸金镛”,铜和金均为“黄”色;用铜鼓号令全军,众皆听令,正是“皆令”。所以暗含着的另一个谜底是黄皆令。
    黄皆令,明末清初江南名妓。

            淮阴怀古 其四
       壮士须防恶犬欺,三齐位定盖棺时。
       寄言世俗休轻鄙,一饭之恩死也知。
    谜底:1、大解  2、杨云友
    解读
    1、此谜谜底是大解,即大便(动词)。请看原诗所表达的大解进程:
“防恶犬欺”之招,蹲下;两条腿及屁股各就各位,所谓“三齐位定”;事后盖上马桶盖(“盖棺”);但是“盖棺时”,还请听我一言,把屎喂狗吧,那对它来说也是“一饭之恩”,不要轻视鄙视它。其中道理,屎(“死”)也知道。
    2、暗含谜底为杨云友。
    杨云友,明末清初江南名妓。
    《杨云友三嫁董其昌》,正所谓“三齐位定”;“恶犬”指的是“是空和尚”;杨云友擅长模仿董其昌之画,曾经靠卖模仿的画养家,正是所谓“一饭之恩”。如果知道《杨云友三嫁董其昌》的故事,此谜就再明显不过了。

                  湘云之谜语诗
       溪壑分离,红尘游戏,真何趣?名利犹虚,后事终难继。
    谜底:1、(耍的)猴  2、杨宛叔
    解读
    1、“猴”的谜底宝玉已经猜出。“溪壑分离,红尘游戏,真何趣?”猴离开自己的栖息之地,到人间耍猴把戏,这难道真的很有趣吗?“名利犹虚”,被耍的猴,当然谈不上什么“名”和“利”了。湘云还亲自对最后一句作了解释:“哪一个耍的猴子不是剁了尾巴去的?”
    2、暗含的另一个谜底:杨宛叔。
    杨宛叔,明末江南名妓。她自己的故事就是最好的说明:
    陈寅恪《柳如是别传》记载:杨宛叔,金陵名妓也。杨宛叔先跟了茅止生,“止生重其才,以殊礼遇之”,即茅止生对杨宛叔好。但杨宛叔“多外遇、心叛止生。”后来杨宛叔奔投国戚田弘遇,却被骗光钱财,又因年老色衰,被人当作老婢女使用。杨宛叔还想去攀附其他人,又因为遇到战乱,结果也没有攀成。正所谓“溪壑分离,红尘游戏,真何趣?”于是杨宛叔扮成乞丐婆返回金陵,结果在荒野被盗所杀。“宛叔终堕落于泥,为人所讪笑。”正所谓“名利犹虚,后事终难继!”一点也没说错吧。

             宝钗之谜语诗
       镂檀锲梓一层层,岂系良工堆砌成?
       虽是半天风雨过,何曾闻得梵铃声!
    谜底:1、稻草人  2、王修微
    解读
    1、“镂檀锲梓”,“镂”者,“搂”也;“檀”,属木类;“梓”者,“籽”也;“锲梓”,“去籽”也。什么“去籽”后“一层层”地“搂”着“木头”呢?稻草人的稻草也。“铃”,铃铛也;“稻草”“搂”着“木头”,上面还挂着“铃”,这个铃铛只有在“风雨过”时才响。可以肯定是“稻草人”无疑。
    稻草人是用去过籽的稻草一层层地裹着木头,难道这是良工巧匠做成的吗?虽然这半天又是风又是雨,但什么时候听见过你的“铃”声响啊?!
    2、王修微,明末清初江南名妓,号草衣道人。草衣道人,就是“衣稻(道)草之人”,把稻草作衣服的人,稻草人。又因为王修微之号中有“道人”二字,所以说是“梵铃”。
    所以谜底为:稻草人和王修微。

             黛玉之谜语诗
       騄駬何劳缚紫绳?驰城逐堑势狰狞。
       主人指示风雷动,鳌背三山独立名。
    谜底:1、云  2、林天素
    解读
    1、“风雷”的“主人”是谁?老天也。“騄駬(念录耳)何劳缚紫绳?”“紫”,天帝住在紫色的宫殿,(而皇帝是天之子,所以也住在“紫”禁城。)表示在天上;“紫绳”,天上像绳子一样的东西是什么呢?闪电也;闪电想“缚”住什么呢?云,像宝马“騄駬”一样奔跑着的云;但“缚”得住吗?又有必要“缚”吗?所以说“何劳”。“风雷动”,风吹“云”动,电闪雷鸣;此时的云会是什么样子呢?“驰城逐堑势狰狞”,像脱缰之野(宝)马。“鳌背三山”,云之形。谜底是“云”无疑。
    2、林天素,明末清初江南名妓,福建三山人,名云,号“三山才女”。一目了然了吧!“独立名”,又指林天素性格孤傲。
    【江南名妓之事迹,参阅陈寅恪《柳如是别传》。】

   “十二金钗”凑齐了!“江南明妓”就这样鲜活地出现在《红楼梦》里,而且从《红楼梦》诞生之日起,她们就一直在里面活蹦乱跳。本人也和明义一样,不禁“读而羡之”,只是不会写诗,无法表达仰慕之情。
    所以,所谓“大家”之高见,不可不信,但也绝不可全信;如果全信,还不如不信。当然,“大家”们仍然会嗤之以鼻,还是那句话,请“大家”们也“牵强附会”一次给我们看看!作者明白无误地告诉我们这是谜语诗,如果连这些谜语都猜不出,能叫读懂《红楼梦》了吗?逃避是永远解决不了问题的,早晚你得猜!
    但《红楼梦》怎么会暗写妓女呢?先不要急着大惊小怪,作者并不是为了写妓女,只是通过这些明末清初的妓女,为我们打开了一扇时间之窗,从那里你可以看到《红楼梦》的时代背景。等我们透过这扇时间之窗,看到明末清初的那段历史之后,我们再大惊小怪不迟。


 青春就应该这样绽放  游戏测试:三国时期谁是你最好的兄弟!!  你不得不信的星座秘密

[转载]谁是李赋宁?!

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原文地址:谁是李赋宁?!作者:bazilio
                                           朴素的生活,

                                           高尚的思想;

                                           勤奋严谨,吸取世界上

                                           古往今来的文化精粹。

                                                     --李赋宁

 



 

    谁是李赋宁,对我粗人来说,愿谁谁,与我不相干,为何让我知。但是,春节前有幸读了一本《人生历程》的自传,而作者就是已故的李赋宁学者。之所以选读这本书,原因之一就是看看实际英文教学的人员,他们怎么看学英文,教英文的,或许能对我有些启发。可是再选读过程中,发现应该从文章前面读起,因为这不是一本简单的自传,不是介绍英文如何提高学好的书,而是一本很好的历史教材,一本很好的人文教材。单是前几篇介绍李老成长过程的文章,就有很好的介绍:他的父亲是20世纪初著名的水利学家李仪祉先生,而其父亲和伯父同于佑任、张季鸾等是同窗好友,堂兄、弟弟均为业内有名学者,李老又是吴宓的学生,可谓出身书香门第。李老同王佐良、许国璋等均为新中国北大外语系创立者。



    书中有些情节让我感动,思考和回味的:

    一,温德教授(Robert Winter),1987年辞世,美国人,无神论者(atheist),是闻一多先生介绍其来中国教书的,我们知道的钱钟书、曹禺、杨业治等大家均为他的学生。他曾在讲授莎士比亚作品时,自己扮演不同角色,模拟他们的对话,令学生难以忘却,可谓为中国英语教育事业做出积极贡献。他也有极强的正义感,曾因为四名昆明学生反内战、反饥饿而被杀害,不顾生死,亲到当地国民政府痛斥官员的劣性,并努力保护进步人士到解放区免予迫害。解放后在北大继续教书。而五十年代我国同苏联关系和抗美援朝因素,竟聘请苏联专家讲授英文,而其不受重用,待遇甚至不如他们。在文革期间遭到迫害,被抄家,隔离审查,直至拨乱反正。在此困难期间没有任何抱怨(至少文中没提及,如果有他也没有离开过中国),只是一心一意的想把英文教育能够在中国扎根,发展。他的事情让我想到《黄石的孩子》中英国人乔治,最后献身于中国教育事业。

    老外的做法,有时候在我们复杂的中国人看来,是简单的,理想的,没有任何私利,认为这样做符合自己的想法,符合更多百姓的利益,那他就做,不会顾及政府、意识形态、社会舆论的压力,我们现在提倡雷锋精神,是因为我们周围没有这样的人或行为了,拜金行为一浪高过一浪,相反几年前看到一德国小伙子在西北从事着极其艰苦的农村教育,任劳任怨。这值得我们当今政府、社会、百姓反思。



    另外,当李老在1985年在美国访学期间拜访温德母校,Wabash College时,竟发现其年青照片和作品,保存完好。这是欧美的文化体制,可能我们的学校不会保留这些历史资料,甚至前段时间北京发生拆除梁思成、林徽故居事件,社会使然,文化使然。

    二,什么是文革,它是什么?!

    书中介绍李老家的遭遇,幸运的是,李老一家坚持过来,可是李老书中替一大部分受尽冤屈和折磨,没有坚持到最后的同事和前辈感到惋惜,不幸消息频频:

     1,老舍先生投湖自尽;

     2,历史学家翦伯赞先生,被人用垃圾桶拉去批斗,回家后两夫妇自杀身亡;

     3,俞大絪先生,受不了批斗折磨,服大量安眠药永远安息了;

     4,清华物理系创办人叶企孙先生,在文革穷困潦倒,甚至挨饿,向共事多年的好友借十元钱,但为划清界限,断然拒绝,贫病加悲愤离去。

     …

    这样的事情,李老介绍很多,尽管没有过多提及感受,但从读者角度看,这文革真的把国家和民族害惨了,损失了经济不说,有多少功臣和精英家破人亡,妻离子散,这损失远远大于经济上的损失。我个人认为,学校教育,应把这段历史作为重点,象抗日战争一样,以史为鉴,重点讲述前因后果,造成的各项损失,告诉下一代,如果他们执政后不要再出现这样的错误荒唐做法。

    三,书的最后部分,是李老爱人徐述华(我国化学知名学者)写的后续,因李老已故去,文里充满思念和感伤之情。

     跨入新世纪,…,都老了,更加互相依恋。往往我每次外出归来,他似孩子般高兴地说:“我在阳台上已盼你好久了,你平安回来,我就放心了。”有时候还会补充一句:“你不在家,我真想你。”而当他去楼下,在弯曲小道上散步时,我在阳台见到他缓慢,但仍然稳步地向前走,我感到无比欣慰,可是今日我站在阳台上,弯曲的小道依旧,而我已无处寻觅到赋宁的身影。我泪眼模糊,深深地怀念赋宁。当我回忆赋宁,提笔写赋宁时,他的面影似又温存地微笑着回到我身旁。





     这是多么平实而又伟大的爱情,书中很多介绍他们在困难时期的坚持,互相慰勉,互相鼓励,同现如今的Cash爱情比起来,他们那一代人对爱情是多么纯洁、简单,但却持久永恒的。

    书,的确很好,值得再看,推荐。李老,的确渊博,值得敬仰。

    李老,祝您在天堂里一切都好,祝您家人一切都平安。

 

 

附李老谈英语学习演讲稿件

 

   谈谈怎样学英语这个问题。我认为首先我们应该明确我们学习英语的目的是为了加速实现我国的社会主义现代化,并且为了极大地提高我国的科学和文化水平,对人类做出更大的贡献。其次一个问题是如何引起和提高对于学习外语的兴趣呢?我觉得可以先学一些外语的格言、谚语、歌谣、谜语和游戏.以便使外语学习更加生动活泼,避免枯燥乏味。例如,我们学一句英语格言:The proof of the pudding is in theeating(要检验布丁必须去吃它)。毛主席在《实践论》里也说过要知道梨子的滋味必须亲自去尝尝。我们学习外语也应该重视实践,必须经常地、大量地练习听、说、读、写这四个方面的技能。有了足够的实践才能学会和掌握外语。儿歌和歌谣对学外语也会起帮助的作用,因为歌谣一方面语言明白易懂*另一方面音乐性和图画性也很强,容易记忆和背诵。例如,英国十九世纪女诗人Christina Rossetti 写的“Who has seenthe wind?”(谁看见过风?):

Who has seen the wind? 谁看见过风?
Neither I nor you; 我没有,你也没有;
But when the leaves hang trembling,但当树口十抖动时,
The wind is passing through.风便畅通无阻。
Who has seen the wind? 谁看见过风?
Neither you nor I; 你没有,我也没有5
But when the trees bow down their heads,但当树儿低头时,
The wind is passing by.风儿经过嗖嗖。

背诵歌谣可以巩固所学外语的语法和词汇,并进一步了解所学外语国家人民的心理和思想感情。再说一个谜语:

Runs all day and never walks,整天奔跑,从不走路,
Often murmurs, never taLks;时常自言自语,从不说话;
It has a bed and never sleeps;有床不睡觉;
It has a mouth and never eats.有口不吃饭。

打一物。谜底是river(河)。现说明如下:河流整天奔跑(runs=flows),从不走路。河流时常切切私语(murmur这一动词既可以解释为 '小声说话’,也可以解释为'水声潺潺’),河流当然不会说话,河流有个床(bed=the bottom of a river=河床、河身、河底),但不是用来睡觉的。河流有张口(mouth=the place where a river enters the sea=河流入海处)?但不是为了吃饭。这个谜语可以帮助我们学习英语的一词多义现象。下面谈谈;如何练习英语的语音和语调。英语的48个音素必须发音正确,不能含混,似是而非。我教过的学生有些人常把green(绿颜芭)念作grain(粮食),see(看)念作say(说),这是绝对不能允许的。元音 [i:]和双元音[ei]决不能混同起来。其它的音素,也不例外。例如,有人把双元音[ei]和双元音[ai]分不清楚,他打算说:I'm going to the hospital today(今天我要去医院),但实际上说成I'm going to the hospital to die(我要去医院去死)。这种笑话就是发音不准确所造成的。要把音素的发音练得十分准确,必须借助于国际音标,因为国际音标十分精确细致,不是其它标音法所能代替的。辅音也要念得准确。例如[p]和[ b ]。当我们发[p]音时,我们发出的气流要强,能吹灭一根蜡烛。当我们发[ b ]音时,就没有这种现象。试比较 Thrre are pears in the garden(果园里有梨)和 There are bears in the garden(动物困里有熊)。当我们念pears时,要能吹灭蜡烛,念bears时,就不能这样要求。其次,语调会影响意思,必须充分注意。同一句话,用升调和用降调就会表示不同的态度和情绪。例如,Please open the window(请打开窗子)。这句话若用升调,就表示请求的口气,若用降调,就表示不礼貌的下命令的口气。英语语调十分复杂,值得我们进行深入、细致的研究。关于英语发音,还有一个速度问题。试比较下列三句话:

I bought a bike.(我买了一辆自行车)
It's a bike I bought. (这是我买的自行车)
But it's a bike that I bought. (但是这是我买的自行车)

这三句话,尽管字数多少不同,但每句话都只有两个词(也就是两个音节)是重读的,其余的词都是非重读的。英语发音的速度取决于重读音节的多少,而非重读音节的数目却是无关紧要的。根据这个原则,上面三句话的发音所需要的时间应该是相等的,因为第二句话里的非重读音节It's,和第三句话里的非重读音节 But,it's和that,都应以很快的速度轻轻带过,而着重突出两个重读音节bike和bought.掌握了这个原则,我们就能学会英语的轻重分明的语调,就能正确地念出英语抑扬顿挫的节奏,以便用英语充分、完整地表达我们的思想和感情。以上所说的都有关如何练习英语的语音和语调。我着重谈这个问题,因为准确的语音、语调是记单词的基础,是进行朗读的基础,因此也是训练理解、培养阅读能力的第一步,在阅读时,我们应该根据每个单词的正确读音把它的意思弄清楚、搞准确。随后就应该把单词合成短语或词组。分成词组后进行朗读才算是真正领会了内容的朗读。例如 Forest fires are often caused by cigarette ends that peopte throw away carelessly(森林火灾常由人们随手扔掉的烟头所引起)。这句话应分成下列词组:forest fires,are often caused,by cigarette ends,that people throw away carelessly.把句子分成词组进行真正领会内容的朗读是学习外语最有效的方法之一,因为在分词组的活动中包括了对句子语法结构的分析,从而可以弄清楚词与词之间的语法关系。但更重要的活动是根据词义把词组合起来,综合成完整的概念,通过这个途径来透彻理解所阅读的内容。进行这种动脑筋的朗读对于记单词和短语也是最有效的方法,因为这样做就避免了孤立地、机械地死背硬记,而是通过具体的内容和词的自然的搭配来记单词,结果印象一定更深,对词义的理解也一定更为透彻。我想谈一谈一词多义的问题。在英国十九世纪作家William Cobbett写的一篇回亿他育年时代学习语文的文章里有一个单词 thoughtless.这个词的构词法不难分析:名词thought(思想)+形容词惊、词尾—less(表示'缺少’的意思)。英汉词典 thoughtless条下共有四个词义:①不用思想的,不动脑筋的;②不小心,鲁莽,②没有思想的,愚蠢;④不体贴别人的。我的对照上下文来看,就会发现thoughtless在这里最恰当的解释应该是'不体贴别人的’,因为作者所强调的概念是在最吵闹的环境中专心学习,因此他所说的 the most thoughtless of men 指的是吵闹得最厉害的人。什么样的人吵闹得最厉害?当然是不体贴别人的人。所以在这个具体的上、下文中,thoughtless和'聪明’或'愚蠢’的概念不发生关系,而是和'想到别人’或'不想到别人’发生关系。用这样的方式来记单词,就一定能记住,不易忘掉。同志们应该学会使用以英语解释词义的英语词典,为什么?因为阅读科学文献一定要概念明确。英汉词典往往只给一个汉语译名,这个汉语译名本身的含义可能并不完全相当于原来那个英语单词的词义。因此有时查了英汉词典,仍感到理解得模模糊棚。至于以英语解释词义的英语词典,所用的方法是给每个词都下一个明确的定义,所以查了这种词典往往理解得更加清楚。例如,quantum mechanics,英汉词典解释为'量子力学’,而英英词典则下一定义:

a mathematical theory in physics which starts with the assumption that energy is not infiniteIy divisible and deals with atomic structure and phenomena by the methods of quantum theory

(物理学当中的一种数学理论,这个理论的出发点是一种假设,即能量并不是无限可分的,同时这个理论运用量子理述的方法来研究原子结构和现象)。

在查字典时,除了要寻找合适的词义外,还应注意一下所查的那个词的词源意义。例如,geology(地质学):geo(地球)+logia(科学,学问),geography(地理学):geo(地球)十graphia(写作、图画),astronomy(天文学):astron(星球)十nomos (规律、体系)。经常注意词源就会增加、扩大对构词法的知识,培养我们分析词义的能力。上面说到语音、语调问题,要使语音、语调达到准确、自然的话度,需要多听、多练。接着一个问题就是如何说得流利,说得自然。中国学生经过一定的训练,能够达到语音、语调的准确,但要说得流利、自然却不容易。原因可能是我在上面所提到的情况,即我们习惯于发单个音,有多少音节就发多少单音,我们不大习惯在单位时间内除了读出重读音节外,还要很快地发出许多意义上连贯的非重读的音节。说汉语时我们的呼吸习惯和说英语时的呼吸习惯不相同,因此说英语时我们常常感到上气不接下气。为了克服这个困难,必须多进行朗读、而且要练习快速朗读。—方面要读得快,另—方面还要读得准确、清晰、富有表情。另外一个困难就是说英语时,我们往往感到思路迟钝,想不起适当的词或短语,因此停顿、犹豫,不能通达流畅,也就达不到交流的目的。要想克服这个闲难,最有效的办法还是多阅读英文书报,丰富词汇,扩大知识,争取多说多练。我们同时需要两方面的知识:①语言的知识(knowledge of the language),②世界的知识(knowledge of the world)。有了这两种知识,就能说得流利自然,圆满自如。练习听力时,要听整体,不要被个别生词难倒,而忽略了大意。要学会抓重点,不要只听孤立的词和孤立的句子,而要听懂一整段话的内容。听的时候要注意,要用心,但不要紧张。在多听多练的同时,必须多读书,扩大知识领域,关心时事和科学文化的最新成就。为了提高听的能力,我们迫切需要上述两方面的知识,尤其是关于世界和社会的知识。训练听力时,可以区别精听和泛听。精听的目的在于模仿以英语作为本族语的英国或美国受过教育的成年人的话语,模仿他们的语音、语调,纠正自己的发音,同时巩固自己所学的语法、句型、词汇和短语。在这个基础上.进一步提高到精听自己专业的内容。泛听的目的在于训练抓大意的本领,必须听成段的内容,不要听孤立的句子,更不要只听个别的单词。泛听的内容可以是对话、故事、新闻广播、时事报导和评论、科普等。

下面谈谈如何训练阅读的能力。阅读也可以分为精读和泛读两种。精读的目的在于训练理解的准确性和表达的精确和熟练,因此阅读的速度是比较慢的。泛读主要是快读、浏览,而且是默读。快读是最自然的阅读方法,浏览是训练抓大意本领的有效方法,默读则有利于思考。无论是精读或是泛读都是以默读为主。有人说不会默读,就无法接受高等教育,就无法大量吸收有用的知识,也就很难对复杂的事物进行分析、判断,独立思考。朗读的作用在于帮助记忆,训练语音、语调。大量吸收知识和培养阅读的能力,不能靠朗读。精读的内容,文是不及物动词)还要学会运用非谓语动词,尤其是分词的用法。此外,还应注意定语从句的结构,学会写限制性和非限制性定语从句,学会主句、从句的安排,等。掌握了这些基本功之后,就要放开胆子运用词汇 (同义词、反义词),要学会用一系列的同义词来抒情或制造气氛。例如写阴郁的下雨天气,就可以用动词 drizzle ,形容词 chilly ,副词 mournfully ,等写景抒情。写随笔杂感一类的文章,要写得活泼、轻快、多变化。同义词的纯熟运用是一个必要的先决条件。例如,写沉默寡言,就要不仅会用 silent , reserved ,还要会用 taciturn,laconic ;写轻信易欺,就要会用 dupe , gullible 等词。总之,要学会用英语表达意思时善于变化。切忌从汉语概念出发,生翻硬译。写英语时,要胸有成竹,心中先要有整篇或整段的大意,然后一气呵成,再细加修改,一点一点堆砌拼凑起来的文章,效果不可能令人满意。学生若苦于无话可说,无内容可写。我看还是结合自己的英语学习(教师的讲课内容,阅读的书籍,外宾的讲演,外语电影等)写提要和自己的感想。这样不会太脱离学生的实际水平,写出来可以帮助复习巩固,必然言之有物。此外。还可以用英语记日记或周记。不要记日常琐事,而要记每日或每周所发生的最重要的事件和自己体会最深,感触最多的事情,更重要的训练是用英语作读书笔记,写实验报告,作论文摘要,为用英语进行科学研究打好基础。

最后,谈一谈教学法问题。传统的语法——翻译教学法(grammar-translation approach)和四十年代、五十年代的结构主义教学法(structural approach)都只注重语言形式,可以称为一向度教学法(one-dimensional approach)。到了六十年代有了情景教学法(situational approach),除了语言形式以外,还要注意语言形式是否适合具体的情景(例如,在教室、家庭、邮局、医院等不同情景下应该使用那些恰当的语言形式),因此就有了二向度教学法(two-dimensional approach)。到了七十年代,又有了功能教学法(functional approach,又称为概念教学法 notional approach),除了语言形式和情景以外,还要注意语言的功能是什么。在具体的情景下使用适合于该情景的语言形式必须真实地表达思想和感情,以达到交流思想的目的。语言的功能在于交流思想。你所选用的语言形式能不能真正表达你的思想和态度。你是赞成还是反对,相信还是怀疑别人说的话。要表达说话人的态度,必须使用恰当的语言形式。语言形式必须为语言功能服务。因此,考虑教学方法时,就要同时考虑三个因素:①语言形式,②情景,③语言功能。这样就有了三向度教学法(three-dimensional approach)。我们学习语言形式时,一定要考虑到语言的功能。伦敦大学英语教授 Widdowson 注意到下述的语言现象,即英语的析使句可以用来表示四种不同的功能:①说明操作方法:Bake the pie ina slow oven(用文火焙烤点心);②发出邀请:Come for dinnertomorrow(明天来我家吃饭);②发出劝告:Take up his offer(接受他的条件),④作祷告:Forgive us our trespasses(饶恕我们的罪恶)。最新的教学法是三向度的功能教学法。我们应该编写或引进采用这种新教学法的教材。我们自学英语的同志也不要忽视语言的社会功能,还应提高四会能力,真正达到交流思想的目的,获得交流的能力(communicative competence)。

怎样提高英语听、说、读、写的能力

我们大家都很关心英语听、说、读、写四方面能力的提高。这“四会”最好是齐头并进,起码也要占上两样。大体上可把听和说作为第一阶段;读和写作为第二阶段。但四会的能力实际上互相促进,互相依赖。总的目标必须是,也必然是听、说、读、写四方面都达到准确而又熟练的程度。怎样提高这四方面的能力呢?下面谈一些个人的肤浅体会。

英语是活的语言。要学活的英语——英语的口语,首先要听英语、说英语。音素、语音、语调是我们要攻破的第一关。前几年有些同志过分强调拿英语的音素、语音、语调和汉语的普通话或方言进行比较,以便找出规律,帮助中国入学英语。我认为最有效的方法还是集中精力学好英语语音本身。多体会英语本身的发音规律,可以少走弯路。英语发音的最根本的特点是化么?我认为是它的极为鲜明的节奏。一切语言都有它的节奏。英语的节奏表现在它的轻重音节。因此学英语发音,在学会音素之后,就要学会准确地读出英语每一个单词的轻重音节和每一句的轻重音节。为了读出英语的鲜明节奏,必须把重音节尽量读得重,轻音节尽量读得轻。好的英语发音听起来十分干脆。没有含混或拖泥带水之感。例如读下面一句英语时,必须读得有抑扬顿挫,要达到黑白分明的效果:Let us get to business .(让我们来谈正经事吧!)这句英语共有五个词,其中三个应该重读(let,get,business),其余两个应该轻读(us,to)。这三个重读词当中又以business一词为最重,let 次重, get 又次之。两个轻读词中 us 又较 to 为重。决定词的轻重和轻重的程度,首先要从句子的意义出发。上面这句英语最主要的意义(谈正经事)是由 business 一词表达出来因此 business 自然而然地成为最重读的词。其次,动词 let 和 get 也应重读。 us 和 to 要轻读,那是因为英语读音规则规定代词和介词在—般情况下皆应轻渎。 to 的位置恰好在句中最重音节 bus-[`biz]之前,故在全句中应读得最轻。这是英语语音学的一条最基本的规律。紧临重音节前面的音节应该轻读。例子举不胜举。名词 conduct 变为动词,由于把重音从第一音节移到第二音节,就把第一音节的元音弱化,以增加第二音节元音的强度,就是说:[`kondekt] 变成 [ken`dakt]同样,名词 advantage [ed`va:ntidg] 变为形容词 advantageous [,aedven`teidges] ,由于重音从 -van- 这一音节移至 -ta- 这一音节,位于重音节前的 -van- 音节就要大大地弱化,从 [va:n] 变为 [ven] 了。这个发音规则很重要,因为我们常听见中国学生把 tradition 读成 [trae`dishen] ,把 particular 读成 [pa:`tikjule] ,而英国人或美国人却读作 [tre`dishen] 和 [pe`tikjule] 。同样,重音节后面的音节也应轻读,例如,名词 conduct 中的第二个音节就读作 [dekt] 。我上面举的 Let us get to business —句中 business 一词共有两个音节: bus- (第二个音节 -i- 不发音,故不计算)和 ness 。由于重音在 bus- 音节上面, -ness 位于重音节之后就应轻读,所以 business 一词应该作 [`biznis] 。中国学生常犯的毛病就是把 -ness 读成 [nes] ,而不读成 [nis] 。我们要把英语语音、语调练好,要学会说地道的英语,不但要把重音节读准确,还要把轻音节读得有英国昧。有一点很重要:英国人常用 [ i ] 这个音来读轻音节,以收到清脆悦耳的效果。例如: mountain 一词中轻音节就渎作 [tin] ,又如上面引的 advantage 中最后一个轻音节就读作 [tidg] 。 chicken 一词的轻音节也读作 [kin] , system 的轻音节读作[tim] 等。最妙的是 character 一词中第二个音节 -ra- 位于重音节之后,读作 [ri] ,而不读作 [re] 。这些例子都是紧随重音节之后的轻音节的读法。同样,恰好位于重音节之前的轻音节也有读作 [ i ] 的情况,这仅限于以 e 拼写这个轻音节的词,例如 believe [bi`li:v] , exact [ig`zaekt] , elect [i`lekt] , envelope [in`velep] (试比较名词envelope 读作 [`enviloup] )等.总之,英语读音的诀窍在于轻重分明,清脆紧凑,切忌含混、拖杏、松弛。

练习听力时,不要只听孤立的词和孤立的句子,而要听懂— 段话的内容。两年前北京大学西语系英语专业有些学生去听美国进步新闻记者斯特朗( Anna Louise Strong) 讲演。斯特朗女士的讲演内容是当前美国的社会生活。有些学生感到不大好懂,因为他们对美国的情况不大熟悉。但当斯特朗女士谈起她和毛主席的会谈,描写毛主席把帝国主义和一切反动派比作纸老虎的具体情况时,上面说的那些学生就很透彻地听懂了。可见听力和对内容熟悉与否有着密切关系。因此在多听多练的同时,必须多读书,扩大知识领域,关心时事和科学文化最新的成就,这就为听懂英语讲演、广播、会话等创造了有利条件。

如何提高阅读英语的能力?在开始阶段对于一些长句和语法结构较难的句子要进行分析,这是必经的途径。等到逐渐熟悉了英语散文中一般的句型,这时阅读起来就无需乎停下来分析,而是要领会整段的大意。阅读的材料大体上可分为两类:文艺作品(小说、戏剧、短篇小说、寓言、童话等)和论说文(哲学、历史、政治、经济等社会科学的论文、教科书或专著;文学史和文学批评论文等).第一类材料宜于快读.对于增加和扩大英语感性知识,这一类材料是最丰富的源泉.我个人的经验是:开始时读一些英语翻译的俄国和法国短篇小说(果戈里、契河夫、托尔斯泰、巴尔扎克、莫泊桑、都德等)。这样做的好处是词汇负担不很大,句子结构较平易,读起来不太费力。加上故事情节的叙述和人物心理活动的描写都非常吸引人,因此读起来容易吸收,容易模仿。这类读物帮助我学会用英语说故事和写故事,学会了一般叙述情节、抒情和写景所最常用的词和片语。随后,我又读丁一些英国小说的节本或缩本。我印象最深的是 Dickens 的 David Copperfield 的电影缩本。当我直接接触到英国文学的优秀作品时,我所感到的喜悦真不是语言所能表达的。 Charlotte Bronte 的 Jane Eyre , Jane Austen 的 Pride and Prejudice , Thackeray 的 Vanity Fair ,Defoe 的 Moll Flanders ——这些小说使我开始认识英国人的生活习惯、思想感情、民族心理等。更重要的是,读了这些小说之后,我的英语表达能力变得比以前丰富了,比以前深刻了。在这以后,我读了 George Eliot 的小说,觉得很喜欢。她的小说内容十分丰富:19世纪英国乡村生活的现实主义画面,文艺复兴时期意大利宗教改革家的活动,有生动幽默的对话,有抒情式的写景,有深入细腻的心理分析,有政治,有爱情,有哲学,还有考据。我把她的小说一本一本地读了起来.后来还读了她的书信集,和别人为她写的回亿录。我觉得这样系统地读一个作家的作品对于培养和形成自己英语写作的风格是能起作用的。George Eliot 的小说不仅帮助我熟悉英语的叙述文体和描写文体,而且还引导我对英语的哲学和伦理学的著作发生了兴趣,帮助我对欧洲的文化传统有进一步的了解。从此我就开始了英语的论说文方面的阅读。我读得最多的还是文学批评和文学史方面的文章,其次是历史和哲学(包括美学)。阅读论说文时我常作摘录、抄写的工作,读得比较慢,比较细。论说文的阅读对于提高分析、欣赏能力,对于使自己英语写作更加成熟,更有内容,是有很大的帮助的。

在阅读文艺作品和论说文的同时,还要经常翻阅、浏览当代英美期刊杂志,使自己经常接触新的事物,新的语言,新的文体。要防止思想停滞,语言陈腐。英语报刊杂志的阅读,给我们添一些新血液,增加我们的营养,但不能作为我们的主食。我们的主食还是文艺作品和论说文,必须多食,而且要细噶馒咽。

写作方面:开始时要学造句,把句子写准确、通顺、圆满。要注意动词的时态、语态和动词的性质,要注意副词的位置,要学会用关系代词,学会主句、从句的安排。掌握了这些基本功之后,就要放开胆子运用词汇(同义词、反义词),要学会用一系列的同义词来写景和抒请。写随笔杂感一类的文章,要写得活泼、轻快、多变化。同义词的纯熟运用是一个必要的先决条件。总之,要学会用英语高达意思时善于变化。切忌从汉语概念出发,生翻硬译。


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[转载]华族必须找回本该拥有的骄傲与自信

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华族必须找回本该拥有的骄傲与自信

 

楼主:晚月无心画柳眉

  

  讨论这个问题之前,我们不妨先看看那个四岛之国-----日本。  大家在谈到日本的优点的时候,往往会说这个民族善于学习,吸收先进文明的能力强,从一开始学我们的唐朝,再到近代学习西方,可以说,日本民族文化的绝大部分,从宗教到建筑甚至是服装,都是在模仿与加工外来文化的基础上建造的,属于他们自己原创

的寥寥无几。  但是,日本却又是一个非常骄傲和充满自信的民族,本来只有区区四岛弹丸之地,却自称是大日本帝国,自命为大和民族,还有传说中的大东亚共荣圈,我们可以发现,他们说什么都喜欢用个“大”字,除去基于岛国意识的狭隘与自负,我们是不是对此表示惊叹呢,这样一个民族,哪里的这么大的自信?

  究其根源,就在于,日本能够认清自己民族的优点是什么,并将其发挥到极致,日本人是这样想的,我们原创能力差,出不了中国的孔子,出不来同为岛国英吉利的牛顿,但我们善于模仿加工再创造啊,靠着这个优点,我们不也成为世界数一数二的发达民族了吗?  教育一个孩子,老是骂他,贬低他,限制他,时间长了,就会出现心理暗示,很容易让这个孩子产生自卑,认为自己就像家长老师说的那样没出息,连自己的优点都自我怀疑了,相反,经常鼓励他,称赞他,让其发现自己的优点与长处,这样的孩子,以后能有成就的几率要远高于上面的孩子,前者只能在自卑中走向平庸,后者更有机会出类拔萃!

  这就是日本给我们的启示,民族的自信,对本民族优点的骄傲,是非常重要的。  曾经,我们华夏民族也是一个非常有自信非常骄傲的民族,我们也有自信和骄傲的资本,环视我们周围,都是野蛮落后的部落,无论在物质生产能力还是在精神文明程度上,我们都有绝对的优势,在此基础上华夷之辨应运而生,有服章之美为华,礼仪之大为夏,只可以夏代夷,不可以夷代夏,蛮夷与华夏成为了落后与先进,野蛮与文明的代名词。在这种环境下,华夏民族产生绝对的民族自信是必然的。

  至于西方,一是距离很远,无法充分交流,二是西方出现的很多璀璨的文明像走马灯一样不停地兴起与没落甚至灭亡,使得东方文明的核心----华夏数千年来,始终处于优势的地位,即使中间出现了很多挫折,但我们最终都笑到最好,华夏始终屹立不倒,我们的祖先在当时,是何等的自信,何等的充满磅礴的气势啊!  拥有了强大先进的文明,使我们充满自信,而我们的自信又促使我们创造更强大更辉煌的文明,这是相辅相成的关系,形成了良性的循环。

  明犯强汉者,虽远必诛,这不是外交辞令上的谴责与抗议,而是充满王者之气的誓师书,这就是祖先的气势!  但是,为何现在的中国人对自己的民族文化如此没有自信,以至于到了恶毒地仇视不惜一切代价欲除之而后快的地步呢?

  华夏民族是一个多灾多难的民族,尤其以近三百年为甚。两次打击,几乎摧毁了汉民族的民族自信。  三百年前满清乘着明末大动乱入关,他们自知是讨了一个便宜,江山来得不光彩,而且他们的文明水平根本无法与汉文化相提并论,出于他们狭隘的民族自卑感,他们采取了血腥残酷的民族压迫政策,强迫汉人改变自己的民族服饰,这使得汉人的民族自信遭到了第一次毁灭性质的打击,华夏变成了蛮夷,金钱鼠尾取代了峨冠宽带。

  就像上面说过的,辫子不仅仅是一条简单的发型,这是一个环境心理暗示作用,处在这个环境的时间久了,其行为习惯和价值判断也出现了微妙的变化,当耻辱降临在你的身上时,一开始你会极度的厌恶它,极力要摆脱它,但是受辱的日子久了,就会适应,习惯于这种受辱的感觉,把它当成理所应当的,甚至觉得它是生活中不可缺少的一部分,当有一天不用再过这种屈辱的日子后,反而会为其痛哭流涕,对自由的生活无所适从。  这种生活,一直持续了近三百年。华夏民族的锐气,富贵不能淫贫贱不能移,威武不能屈的大丈夫气概,也几乎消磨殆尽了。苟且偷安、明哲保身、甘心做奴才的处世态度已经深入很多人的灵魂深处,已经成为了他们的人生信条。

  不过,满清贵族由于自身的文化过于落后,所以不得不使用汉人的文化体系,尽管是在扭曲篡改地使用,华夏文明的先进性依然存在,汉人虽然在人格上失去了尊严,但是对于自己祖先传下来的文化传统,我们还是充满自信的,历代圣贤,依然是汉人的精神偶像,总之,华夏传统文化虽遭挫折部分被腐化,却并未伤筋动骨,依然是社会的主流文化。  而西方殖民者的入侵,使这一状况发生了根本性的改变。我们吃惊的发现,我们的文化第一次变得落后了,这是炎黄以来数千年都没有过的事情,这无疑造成了对华夏民族文化的自信第二次毁灭性的打击,从鸦片战争以来,面对西方的各种“先进”,满清政府的节节败退,各种危机,知识界一直在进行着各种“反思”,从器不如人,到技不如人,再到制度不如人,再到文化传统不如人,反思愈来愈深入,直到五四后的新文化运动达到高潮,出现了彻底否定数千年华夏传统文化的倾向,将中国落后西方的罪魁祸首归结到我们祖先创造的传统文化上,甚至出现了全盘西化、彻底取消汉字的言论,这种思潮,我们为其正名的话,应该叫做-----逆向民族主义。

  逆向民族主义的出现与大行其道绝非偶然,很大的原因,是因为满清将自己与民族传统文化绑架在了一起,将自己部族政权与国家民族命运绑架在一起,进行垂死挣扎。这使得本该进行对满清腐朽邪恶统治的批判,成为了对华夏传统文化的批判,满清无耻地将民族传统变成了自己的挡箭牌,民族传统躺枪,无辜地成为了满清的替罪羊。  师夷长技以制夷,将华夷之辨的核心精神混淆得一塌糊涂。中学为体,西学为用,道理不假,但是这个体,却成为帝王制度,尊卑等级制度,成为了满清幻想其八旗子弟寄生生活万年延续的救命稻草,要知道,中古时代,帝王制度和尊卑等级制度确实在华夏文化中出现过,但是其绝非华夏文化传统的核心!它只不过是我们华夏民族在特定

历史

阶段下一种具体的应用!当新时代到来时,这些不合时宜的东西也定然会被我们华夏民族所改良、扬弃!而满清和他们的忠实奴才却将其解释成“中学”的根基,似乎这些东西倒了传统文化也消亡了,这显然是偷换概念的把戏,所以,要正确认识传统文化,必须将正统的华夏与被满清篡改与绑架的伪华夏文明区分开,明白华夏文明真正的核心与精华是什么,才能避免把批判满清错误地变成批判华夏传统,把满清的错误与罪恶归结到我们祖先创造的文明上,而在当时,这项工作显然没有做充分,呼声最高的新文化急先锋们,根本没时间和精力去思考这些东西,全盘西化、德先生赛先生、进化论这些时髦的东西,才是他们追逐的目标。  逆向民族主义者不得不陷入这样的悖论:既然中国传统文化是垃圾,为何中国能够数千年一直处在世界文明的前列,很多没有这些“垃圾”的民族反而没落消亡了?既然中国文化是优秀的,那我们为何在今日落后了?这是逆向民族主义者无法绕出的迷局。

  究其根本,就在于他们对传统文化的错误认识,用现代人的眼光去评判古人,比如古人倡导忠君,他们就指责传统文化是崇尚专制的垃圾,然而现代社会就没有忠诚了吗?古人倡导礼,他们就指责传统文化束缚人性,然而现代社会就不讲礼貌了吗?祖先讲好勇,他们批评祖先好战好杀,祖先讲和为贵,他们又批评祖先缺乏尚武精神、软弱可欺,逆向民族主义者对祖先,对民族传统完全陷入了歇斯底里的状态,在他们眼里,祖先横竖都是错的,自己目前的困境都是祖先造成的,这完全是在推卸责任,是懦夫的行为!难道祖先都入土千年了,还要顾及到你们这些八十代子孙?你们这是要祖先有多大的智慧才能做到啊!自己不争气,就全赖到祖先的头上,这不是败家子的逻辑吗?  这都是跳出

历史

特定环境看问题导致的错误,无视了华夏文明经历满清之劫无法继续充分发展以至于停留在中古的事实,华夏文明的核心与精华绝非帝制这些具体应用的形而下的东西,华夏文明的精华在于那些永传万世恒古不变的形而上价值理念,试问,我们要不要仁,要不要义?简言之,仁就是要把人当人看,义就是要去做该做的事情,无论历史如何进步,总要把人当人看吧,该做的事情总要做吧,所以,仁义是永恒的真理,至于如何仁,如何义,才是需要根据时代条件而定的。  认清楚这一点,你就会发现,传统文化中的三纲五常、敬天法祖、天人合一都能使你受益,因为你已经懂得了如何在不同具体环境下如何认识它们、使用它们。

  民国新文化运动激进派的炮火虽然猛烈,但有一点大家不能忽视,那就是民国是一个崇尚自由开放的时代,你想说啥说啥,只要别过于离谱,没人管你,当时的报刊可谓是论战不断。虽然逆向民族主义者大行其道,传统派{也就是被激进派嘲笑成保守党}始终没有放弃对传统文化的保卫,尽管对于满清的危害认识不够,但对于华夏传统文化的优秀基因,发掘得还是相当透彻的,即使倡导全盘西化的胡适等人,对于先文的考据也是有很深的功底。  同时,广大群众在当时纷乱的环境下,可没空考虑什么东化西化,保住性命填饱肚子才是首要的,而且,文化是具有延续性的,华夏传统的很多习俗、信仰,在民间还是比较完整地保存着。总之,民国的社会转型是自然的,非强迫的,你喜欢西方还是东方,随你便,政府只提倡,不强制。

  因此,民国闹腾得虽然凶,但华夏根基并没有被破坏,即使国家落后,我们的民族自信并没有垮掉,等到社会恢复安定,华夏依然有望复兴。  但是,布尔什维克的兴起,使华夏的民族自信又遭受了一次空前的劫难,这次劫难既是新文化运动以来民族不自信的延续,又有其更为残酷之处。

  布尔什维克拥有着高尚远大的理想,并倡导集体意识,鼓吹社会应该用暴力彻底改革,否定渐进改良,而这些必然会导致其无法容纳异己思想,只有我才是正确的,这就注定了布尔什维克实现自己高尚理想的时候,其他学术、思想无法避免的厄运。无论是西方的“资产阶级”思想,还是被定性为“腐朽的封建思想”的华夏传统文化,都受到了严厉的批判。在这种环境下,只能接受两种命运,那就是要么被彻底摧毁,要么成为其听话的附庸。  因此,这个时期出的书,要么是批判传统文化的,要么在序言里加一句,必须以布尔什维克精神做指导,认清其封建糟粕。

  按理说,这时候应该是逆向民族主义者弹冠相庆的时候,他们彻底清理传统垃圾的设想终于实现了,剔除了这些垃圾,中国必然会摆脱落后,成为强国,但历史最终用事实狠狠地扇了这些疯狂的浪漫激情主义这一耳光~!  与民国不同的是,此时的民众也在强力的宣传下,接受了逆向民族主义思潮,这才是最可怕的!

  世界上还没有一个民族,会向中国这样如此猛烈地、全民地否定与攻击自己祖先创造的文化,延续下来的传统,中国人已经忘记了什么叫感恩,他们把自己的祖先视为仇敌,把自己的文化视为垃圾毒草,对先祖的遗物进行不遗余力的破坏,真让人难以想象,这是一个曾经的敬天法祖、崇尚孝道,温良恭俭让的民族!  英国有一位军官说过,我们宁可失去印度,也不能失去莎士比亚!而中国人呢,他们恨不得把孔子开除国籍!本来一个民族上古圣贤,应是后代们无比骄傲自豪的事情,可是中国人却对自己圣贤、自己的民族英雄进行无以复加的攻击辱骂,而对其他民族的人进行跪舔,真是比任何自然之谜都无法解释得通的事情!

  韩国人抢孔子,我们理解,因为他们历史上本身也没什么给力的人物,可是我们中国人自己却如此对待自己民族的圣贤,真是难以理解啊,中国人心里,到底在想什么?  最疯狂的时代虽然过去了,镀金的天空上,依然游荡着无数的幻影。

  现在很多同胞已经认识到了传统文化的可贵,已经着力与华夏的复兴了,这很是让人欣慰。但是,肉体的伤痕是容易痊愈的,心灵的伤痕却很难愈合。肉体伤疤愈合只需一个月,心灵伤疤却需要至少三代人一百年!现在逆向民族主义,在中国依然很有市场,污蔑先人的事情依然经常发生。  比如网络上吧,前不久我看到一个帖子,批评中国传统文化不能演绎出现代科技,他举的一个证据是,中国只知道勾三股四玄五,而给不出固定的公式,所以中国人的思维是直觉的经验的,无法上升到理性的高度。

  且不说其漏洞百出的逻辑推理,单看其给出的证据,就知道他根本对传统文化没多少了解,  早在公元前7至6世纪一中国学者陈子,就给出过任意直角三角形的三边关系公式,即“以日下为勾,日高为股,勾、股各乘并开方除之得邪至日。”更何况后来数学家的完善了,类似的谬误屡见不鲜,可见,狂妄与偏见,多半来自无知啊。

  这些人的思维方式就是,先假定传统文化不好,必然导致落后,然后再东拼西凑地找证据,全不知事先带上有色眼镜,怎么能得出客观的结果呢?  大家不妨自省一下,自己有没有这样的倾向呢?



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[转载]何新:罗马伪史考序言(英文译本)  He X

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何新:罗马伪史考序言(英文译本) 

He Xin: Preamble of Research on Pseudo-history of Rome

 

 

1

 

A few years ago, I published the Research on Pseudo-history of Greece to defy popular opinions, or a deliberate challenge to those pseudo-histories home and abroad.

 

Since its publication, I felt lonely. In addition to a smug and vulnerable slander in a tabloid (accusing me as the Academic Boxer, with much honor), I have never seen a decent rebuttal. (Accordingly, please refer to my response in He Xin's Blog and the book, including the English version.) 

 

In fact, Pseudo-history of Greece and the Pseudo-history of Rome, as well as my recent Ruling World in 3 volumes on Masonic study are not well developed without any regrets. Most of the content of these books, were originally some random thoughts, essays and notes in my Blog, not much rigorous academic research and thesis. Besides my limited personal skills, recently, I have suffered from serious illness, resulting in my mental weakness and powerless conditions. Publishing these notes is expected to share my experience for readers' discussion in an attempt to introduce ceterun censeo by presenting my own wild thoughts.

 

However, it is impressive to find out compatriots especially intellectuals are so ignorant on the world history, especially intellectuals, including some professional history researchers.) My mundane views on Masons, which have been focused by quite a few men of insight abroad for years stunned the ignorant at home.  As I proposed that most Greek and Roman history in the west is not credible (I once sent the book and its English abstract to many foreign friends and scholars who took my view unsurprisingly), only some short-sighted ones were astonishing, regarding it as a weird theory. However, in spite of the quantity of readers, very few of them are capable to challenge or argue my points, suggested by messages and comments from my blog. 

 

In these years, many anecdotal and official works on the Western history are nothing but the translation of Western works, or rough interpreting out of mere copycat. During the 1950s to 1970s, historical theories followed the 5-Phase Pattern in the Soviet textbook, in describing the process and rules of the world history for constructing a system accordingly which does not work now due to many of the twists and turns. The mainstream system after the 1990s copied Western Cambridge textbook patterns in building another set of pseudo history. Presently, anecdotal and public history of Greco Rome, as well as on European medieval and Renaissance, in spite of earnest speakers and listeners, is mostly short of credit.

 

For over 100 years of Westernization since the late 19th century, domestic historians have not yet been capable of independent thinking, objective criticism and justifying pseudo history. What a deplorable fact!

 

2

 

In fact, Western mainstream admitted that before the Pericles, the so-called Greek Civilization is actually Trans-Mediterranean civilization, covering West Asia, North Africa and Southern Europe while the Greek Peninsula itself does not stand out.

 

But it is said that after Pericles in the 5th century BC, Athens went into its prime time due to the polis democracy. Greek language brought together Asian, African and European civilization forming a huge cultural peak. A magic youth (Superman) Macedonian Alexander unified Balkans and launched expeditions to Asia, Greek civilization led by Athens spread to the East to form the so-called Hellenistic age, which is a brilliant history making Aryans proud of in Western civilization, worshiped by many of those with the universal complex of Greece.

 

And my view is that these statements cannot be trusted, due to short of credible first-hand historical and archaeological evidence. Twaddles in Greek history have been argued in my Research on Pseudo-history of Greece. I questioned the basic issues:

--Where did the so called Western Greek Civilization come from? Is it the civilization centered at Athens in the Greek peninsula?

 

However, my research is: there were not sufficient conditions to support a brilliant ancient civilization in a barren and mountainous Greek Peninsula, where remains to be the most backward area in Europe. None of the few buildings and relics edging the city (including rebuilt modern imitation) was originated from the local primitives, but secondary forms spreading from East Egypt and the Asia Minor Civilization.

 

Linguistic evidence also indicated that instead of a state or national name, Pan-regional Greece centered at the Asia Minor of the Eastern Mediterranean, instead of Athens, west to the Aegean Sea. In the Pan-Asia Minor, Greek peninsula and the Balkans, there is no credible evidence suggesting any United Greece state ever existed in the history (i.e. the so-called prehistoric "marine colonial empire of Greece" is no less than a later apocryphal myth).

 

Even the story of the magic Superman, Alexander the great, unifying the Greek peninsula is a legend, instead a history. First, Western historiography has admitted the mysterious origin on ancient Macedonian nationality. (Modern Macedonia, mainly Slavs is not a kin or conspecies of the Greeks in ancient Athens.)

 

Even though Alexander and his father Philip is not a legend, instead of being conquered by Macedonians in Northern Balkans, Athenians and Greeks were conquered instead. So how could a Greek Empire come into being?

 

Secondly, a series of stories about Alexander's conquests or expedition has no credibility but second-/third hand stories without original historical materials told by the descendants. In fact, no historical evidence shows that there have been real homogeneous Ancient Greeks or united Ancient Greek Empire, which are critical to all the suspicious Greek issues. 

 

Further research found that so-called ancient Hellenic culture, as well as the archaeological area of the so-called Homer, actually refers to the Asia Minor (now belonging to Anatolia in Turkey), rather than the Greek peninsula centered at Athens. Those Greek Sages including Homer and Thales are neither from the Greek peninsula, much less Athens, but the Asia Minor in the Eastern Mediterranean. Even the well-known Alexander, Aristotle were also from ancient Macedonian, in the northern part of the Balkan Peninsula (the sources of which Western scholars admit that it is hard to tell), instead of the Greeks.

 

These seemingly stunning arguments are of a series of supporting facts. So even though I break some idols in people's mind, resulting in anguishing elites' angry shouting, in belief of Greek Myth, these irrefutable and undeniable arguments leave them powerless.

 

3

The book is the continuation of the Research on Pseudo-history of Greece, which discussed not only about Pseudo-history of ancient Greek history, but also those of the Roman history in the West.

 

It is rarely known to the Chinese people that historically there existed at least two Roman Empires (far more two in the actual history). One is Rome in Italy in Europe, namely old Rome, destroyed by the Huns and Germanic barbarians.

 

Another is the Eastern Roman Empire of Constantinople (today Turkey) in Asia, known as the New Rome. Western Rome in Italy, with the sudden rise and fall lasted for only hundreds of years, while Eastern Rome in Asia, as a 1,000-year empire, is of greater historical influences and civilizations than the former. Yet the Eastern Rome was almost ruined due to plunders of Christian Teutonic Crusader of other race with the same religious belief. The final attack to extinction was from the Muslim Turks in the Far East (Western Lands) leading to today's Turkey.

 

However, as it belonged to Asian people, recent historians who intended to falsely claim Roman orthodoxy in the West (such as the so-called Holy Roman Empire), cooked up Byzantine city/state just out of thin air (according to legend) in an attempt to rename the real Roman Empire.  Thereafter, Western historiography, accepted academically never-existed Byzantine Empire in the history of the Eastern Roman Empire. This despicable deception is amazingly shameless!

 

4

Western mainstream histories often talk about the Italian Renaissance but avoid referring its cultural resources from the Eastern Rome.

 

In April 1204, Venetian, French and Germanic Knights of the Fourth Crusade launched a crazy bloody massacre and looting to Constantinople, the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire, which was thoroughly documented in detail in the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, by Gibbon (Edward Gibbon, 1737-1794) the Great Britain historian in modern time. But how many Chinese scholars of Western history have really read this great work?

 

Crusader Knight (Templar, also known as Masonic legion of knights) started a historic transfer of wealth, gold, cultural works of art, books and old scripture in Constantinople to the Italian peninsula and French areas such as Venice, Florence, and Paris. Templars made a fortune, becoming the richest force in Europe, establishing modern armed banks. This is also the first bucket of gold in primitive accumulation for Western capitalist. In the 200 years after, the Western witnessed so-called New Approach to Greco-Rome, a cultural movement, or Renaissance that swept through Italy and France for several centuries.

 

[It is wrong to say the New Approach to Greco Rome at all, as most Europeans in the history had known little about Greece and Rome previously. Greco Roman Mediterranean was not German ancestors from Northern Europe (as well as Anglo Saxons). After the Renaissance, they falsely claimed their cultural ancestors in the West.]

 

Banking families ruling in emerging city republics like Venice and Florence during Renaissance, such as Medici, for religious and political reasons, had hired scholars to falsifying history of ancient Greece in mass, mostly those of the Athenian Republic, mythology, and art, which also related to the disgraceful cultural plunder. In order to cover up their loot and theft, they not only renamed the Eastern Roman Empire, but also endeavored to eliminate the real memories of Greece/Hiram centered at Constantinople. So their cultural ghostwriters tampered historical sources from Constantinople, by presenting a virtual cultural center to ancient Athens, a desert island then.

 

But after 19th century, more empirical findings of archeology and fabricated Athenian stories have failed to find out credible supporting literature and empirical evidence. So in the 18th to 19th century, during the age of enlightenment, doubts were casting on Greek works in Western historiography. Fabricated lies faced betrayed. In the late 19th century, a series of suspicious archaeological campaigns were started, saying that in some parts of the Asia Minor (mostly not in the local Greece) unearthed some ruins and cities of the Homeric mythology, which has been historicized or grouped into authentic history in spite of their dubious origins, and the Homeric myth became authentic history of ancient empire in Greco Rome.

 

[Note: "The stories of heroes and gods in Homer's epics, the Iliad and the Odyssey had previously been dismissed by scholars as folk myths. However, Germany's romantic writer Heinrich Schilemann was convinced of these stories. He vowed to find out and discover the ancient city of Troy engaging in the war for Helen between Greeks and Trojans. He got funded by smuggling tea to Russia and began to explore in 1870. He succeeded in finding the Mycenaean Site of Troy and Peloponnese in the Asia Minor (Turkey). Some positive results were disastrous archaeologically, as he was short of expertise, in spite of his enthusiasm, so as to disappointingly collect relics of several cultural layers together indiscriminately. Yet, it has proven that Greek (now Turkey) civilization existed before the classical period so far. (?!)” (Stavrianos' A Global History) ]

 

Subsequently Greece Athens based concepts were fabricated such as Pan Greek  Civilization, Trans-Mediterranean Greek Civilization, Hellenization, in manufacturing historical illusions from nothing, by presenting impression and ideas of the brilliant and splendid prehistoric Civilization of the Great Greece, based on Athens, covering three continents of Asia, and Europe and Africa around the Mediterranean. So a never existed Greater Greece Empire in the history was born out of thin air, and pseudo history of unwarranted Greece Athens was inoculated to the inherent long history of civilization in the Asia Minor (today Turkey).

 

The key points here are:

1. Historically, as Athenians have never actually occupied or controlled the Asia Minor, why is the Asia Minor known as Greek colonies?

2. Dorians are said as Ionian tribe's earliest immigrants to the Athens, becoming civilized ancestors of the Greek race(?), which is the Homeric myth, there without any other reliable evidence.

3. If to compare sculptures of ancient Greece with those of Italy Renaissance, it is clearly to find that the two are of particularly similar even identical themes, which are of stone from similar areas, as if created by the same batch of artists without any elapse of time, suggesting no sign that the two are near 2,000 years apart.

 

4. Most importantly, no consistent written history has been saved in Greece Athens, such as the Twenty-Four Histories in China. Almost all the so-called history, mythology, literary theories including philosophy, works of art, is not original, but was rediscovered after being brought to the West from Constantinople and the Middle East during the Renaissance. Existing so-called Greek works are not original, but compiled through transcribing and complex translated languages, in which the majority allegedly was from the Library of Alexandria in Egypt, already destroyed in ancient time. This provides leniently conceivable spaces for a series of pseudo, forging, fake and adaptation.

 

5

Hu Shi and his disciples invented a school of Judging Ancient History in the early 20th century, claiming void of virtually all prehistoric legends including Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors, Xia, Shang and Zhou. Thanks to Wang Guowei and Luo Zhenyu, Guo Moruo  

 He Xin: Preamble of Research on Pseudo-history of Rome

 

 

1

 

A few years ago, I published the Research on Pseudo-history of Greece to defy popular opinions, or a deliberate challenge to those pseudo-histories home and abroad.

 

Since its publication, I felt lonely. In addition to a smug and vulnerable slander in a tabloid (accusing me as the Academic Boxer, with much honor), I have never seen a decent rebuttal. (Accordingly, please refer to my response in He Xin's Blog and the book, including the English version.) 

 

In fact, Pseudo-history of Greece and the Pseudo-history of Rome, as well as my recent Ruling World in 3 volumes on Masonic study are not well developed without any regrets. Most of the content of these books, were originally some random thoughts, essays and notes in my Blog, not much rigorous academic research and thesis. Besides my limited personal skills, recently, I have suffered from serious illness, resulting in my mental weakness and powerless conditions. Publishing these notes is expected to share my experience for readers' discussion in an attempt to introduce ceterun censeo by presenting my own wild thoughts.

 

However, it is impressive to find out compatriots especially intellectuals are so ignorant on the world history, especially intellectuals, including some professional history researchers.) My mundane views on Masons, which have been focused by quite a few men of insight abroad for years stunned the ignorant at home.  As I proposed that most Greek and Roman history in the west is not credible (I once sent the book and its English abstract to many foreign friends and scholars who took my view unsurprisingly), only some short-sighted ones were astonishing, regarding it as a weird theory. However, in spite of the quantity of readers, very few of them are capable to challenge or argue my points, suggested by messages and comments from my blog. 

 

In these years, many anecdotal and official works on the Western history are nothing but the translation of Western works, or rough interpreting out of mere copycat. During the 1950s to 1970s, historical theories followed the 5-Phase Pattern in the Soviet textbook, in describing the process and rules of the world history for constructing a system accordingly which does not work now due to many of the twists and turns. The mainstream system after the 1990s copied Western Cambridge textbook patterns in building another set of pseudo history. Presently, anecdotal and public history of Greco Rome, as well as on European medieval and Renaissance, in spite of earnest speakers and listeners, is mostly short of credit.

 

For over 100 years of Westernization since the late 19th century, domestic historians have not yet been capable of independent thinking, objective criticism and justifying pseudo history. What a deplorable fact!

 

2

 

In fact, Western mainstream admitted that before the Pericles, the so-called Greek Civilization is actually Trans-Mediterranean civilization, covering West Asia, North Africa and Southern Europe while the Greek Peninsula itself does not stand out.

 

But it is said that after Pericles in the 5th century BC, Athens went into its prime time due to the polis democracy. Greek language brought together Asian, African and European civilization forming a huge cultural peak. A magic youth (Superman) Macedonian Alexander unified Balkans and launched expeditions to Asia, Greek civilization led by Athens spread to the East to form the so-called Hellenistic age, which is a brilliant history making Aryans proud of in Western civilization, worshiped by many of those with the universal complex of Greece.

 

And my view is that these statements cannot be trusted, due to short of credible first-hand historical and archaeological evidence. Twaddles in Greek history have been argued in my Research on Pseudo-history of Greece. I questioned the basic issues:

--Where did the so called Western Greek Civilization come from? Is it the civilization centered at Athens in the Greek peninsula?

 

However, my research is: there were not sufficient conditions to support a brilliant ancient civilization in a barren and mountainous Greek Peninsula, where remains to be the most backward area in Europe. None of the few buildings and relics edging the city (including rebuilt modern imitation) was originated from the local primitives, but secondary forms spreading from East Egypt and the Asia Minor Civilization.

 

Linguistic evidence also indicated that instead of a state or national name, Pan-regional Greece centered at the Asia Minor of the Eastern Mediterranean, instead of Athens, west to the Aegean Sea. In the Pan-Asia Minor, Greek peninsula and the Balkans, there is no credible evidence suggesting any United Greece state ever existed in the history (i.e. the so-called prehistoric "marine colonial empire of Greece" is no less than a later apocryphal myth).

 

Even the story of the magic Superman, Alexander the great, unifying the Greek peninsula is a legend, instead a history. First, Western historiography has admitted the mysterious origin on ancient Macedonian nationality. (Modern Macedonia, mainly Slavs is not a kin or conspecies of the Greeks in ancient Athens.)

 

Even though Alexander and his father Philip is not a legend, instead of being conquered by Macedonians in Northern Balkans, Athenians and Greeks were conquered instead. So how could a Greek Empire come into being?

 

Secondly, a series of stories about Alexander's conquests or expedition has no credibility but second-/third hand stories without original historical materials told by the descendants. In fact, no historical evidence shows that there have been real homogeneous Ancient Greeks or united Ancient Greek Empire, which are critical to all the suspicious Greek issues. 

 

Further research found that so-called ancient Hellenic culture, as well as the archaeological area of the so-called Homer, actually refers to the Asia Minor (now belonging to Anatolia in Turkey), rather than the Greek peninsula centered at Athens. Those Greek Sages including Homer and Thales are neither from the Greek peninsula, much less Athens, but the Asia Minor in the Eastern Mediterranean. Even the well-known Alexander, Aristotle were also from ancient Macedonian, in the northern part of the Balkan Peninsula (the sources of which Western scholars admit that it is hard to tell), instead of the Greeks.

 

These seemingly stunning arguments are of a series of supporting facts. So even though I break some idols in people's mind, resulting in anguishing elites' angry shouting, in belief of Greek Myth, these irrefutable and undeniable arguments leave them powerless.

 

3

The book is the continuation of the Research on Pseudo-history of Greece, which discussed not only about Pseudo-history of ancient Greek history, but also those of the Roman history in the West.

 

It is rarely known to the Chinese people that historically there existed at least two Roman Empires (far more two in the actual history). One is Rome in Italy in Europe, namely old Rome, destroyed by the Huns and Germanic barbarians.

 

Another is the Eastern Roman Empire of Constantinople (today Turkey) in Asia, known as the New Rome. Western Rome in Italy, with the sudden rise and fall lasted for only hundreds of years, while Eastern Rome in Asia, as a 1,000-year empire, is of greater historical influences and civilizations than the former. Yet the Eastern Rome was almost ruined due to plunders of Christian Teutonic Crusader of other race with the same religious belief. The final attack to extinction was from the Muslim Turks in the Far East (Western Lands) leading to today's Turkey.

 

However, as it belonged to Asian people, recent historians who intended to falsely claim Roman orthodoxy in the West (such as the so-called Holy Roman Empire), cooked up Byzantine city/state just out of thin air (according to legend) in an attempt to rename the real Roman Empire.  Thereafter, Western historiography, accepted academically never-existed Byzantine Empire in the history of the Eastern Roman Empire. This despicable deception is amazingly shameless!

 

4

Western mainstream histories often talk about the Italian Renaissance but avoid referring its cultural resources from the Eastern Rome.

 

In April 1204, Venetian, French and Germanic Knights of the Fourth Crusade launched a crazy bloody massacre and looting to Constantinople, the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire, which was thoroughly documented in detail in the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, by Gibbon (Edward Gibbon, 1737-1794) the Great Britain historian in modern time. But how many Chinese scholars of Western history have really read this great work?

 

Crusader Knight (Templar, also known as Masonic legion of knights) started a historic transfer of wealth, gold, cultural works of art, books and old scripture in Constantinople to the Italian peninsula and French areas such as Venice, Florence, and Paris. Templars made a fortune, becoming the richest force in Europe, establishing modern armed banks. This is also the first bucket of gold in primitive accumulation for Western capitalist. In the 200 years after, the Western witnessed so-called New Approach to Greco-Rome, a cultural movement, or Renaissance that swept through Italy and France for several centuries.

 

[It is wrong to say the New Approach to Greco Rome at all, as most Europeans in the history had known little about Greece and Rome previously. Greco Roman Mediterranean was not German ancestors from Northern Europe (as well as Anglo Saxons). After the Renaissance, they falsely claimed their cultural ancestors in the West.]

 

Banking families ruling in emerging city republics like Venice and Florence during Renaissance, such as Medici, for religious and political reasons, had hired scholars to falsifying history of ancient Greece in mass, mostly those of the Athenian Republic, mythology, and art, which also related to the disgraceful cultural plunder. In order to cover up their loot and theft, they not only renamed the Eastern Roman Empire, but also endeavored to eliminate the real memories of Greece/Hiram centered at Constantinople. So their cultural ghostwriters tampered historical sources from Constantinople, by presenting a virtual cultural center to ancient Athens, a desert island then.

 

But after 19th century, more empirical findings of archeology and fabricated Athenian stories have failed to find out credible supporting literature and empirical evidence. So in the 18th to 19th century, during the age of enlightenment, doubts were casting on Greek works in Western historiography. Fabricated lies faced betrayed. In the late 19th century, a series of suspicious archaeological campaigns were started, saying that in some parts of the Asia Minor (mostly not in the local Greece) unearthed some ruins and cities of the Homeric mythology, which has been historicized or grouped into authentic history in spite of their dubious origins, and the Homeric myth became authentic history of ancient empire in Greco Rome.

 

[Note: "The stories of heroes and gods in Homer's epics, the Iliad and the Odyssey had previously been dismissed by scholars as folk myths. However, Germany's romantic writer Heinrich Schilemann was convinced of these stories. He vowed to find out and discover the ancient city of Troy engaging in the war for Helen between Greeks and Trojans. He got funded by smuggling tea to Russia and began to explore in 1870. He succeeded in finding the Mycenaean Site of Troy and Peloponnese in the Asia Minor (Turkey). Some positive results were disastrous archaeologically, as he was short of expertise, in spite of his enthusiasm, so as to disappointingly collect relics of several cultural layers together indiscriminately. Yet, it has proven that Greek (now Turkey) civilization existed before the classical period so far. (?!)” (Stavrianos' A Global History) ]

 

Subsequently Greece Athens based concepts were fabricated such as Pan Greek  Civilization, Trans-Mediterranean Greek Civilization, Hellenization, in manufacturing historical illusions from nothing, by presenting impression and ideas of the brilliant and splendid prehistoric Civilization of the Great Greece, based on Athens, covering three continents of Asia, and Europe and Africa around the Mediterranean. So a never existed Greater Greece Empire in the history was born out of thin air, and pseudo history of unwarranted Greece Athens was inoculated to the inherent long history of civilization in the Asia Minor (today Turkey).

 

The key points here are:

1. Historically, as Athenians have never actually occupied or controlled the Asia Minor, why is the Asia Minor known as Greek colonies?

2. Dorians are said as Ionian tribe's earliest immigrants to the Athens, becoming civilized ancestors of the Greek race(?), which is the Homeric myth, there without any other reliable evidence.

3. If to compare sculptures of ancient Greece with those of Italy Renaissance, it is clearly to find that the two are of particularly similar even identical themes, which are of stone from similar areas, as if created by the same batch of artists without any elapse of time, suggesting no sign that the two are near 2,000 years apart.

 

4. Most importantly, no consistent written history has been saved in Greece Athens, such as the Twenty-Four Histories in China. Almost all the so-called history, mythology, literary theories including philosophy, works of art, is not original, but was rediscovered after being brought to the West from Constantinople and the Middle East during the Renaissance. Existing so-called Greek works are not original, but compiled through transcribing and complex translated languages, in which the majority allegedly was from the Library of Alexandria in Egypt, already destroyed in ancient time. This provides leniently conceivable spaces for a series of pseudo, forging, fake and adaptation.

 

5

Hu Shi and his disciples invented a school of Judging Ancient History in the early 20th century, claiming void of virtually all prehistoric legends including Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors, Xia, Shang and Zhou. Thanks to Wang Guowei and Luo Zhenyu, Guo Moruo, finding Shang through inscriptions on bones, and enabling the authentic history of Chinese civilization after Shang.

[Note: Hu Shi and Gu Jiegang started the school of doubting history in the early 20th century, suggesting that "accumulated rumors built ancient history" and regarding that from Xia to Qin, earlier ancient history, more myths and legends. The ancient history should result from accumulated rumors from generation to generation. They argued that none of scriptures, and  academic and historic records were credible as literatures of pre-Qin and ancient history had been compiled by scholars later, which prevailed for a while. Until Wang Guowei's finding of genealogy in inscriptions described in Historical Records, and Li Ji's findings of Yin Ruins following ancient books in Pre-Qin, more abundant relics were unearthed in the 20th century, completely breaking the denial of Chinese ancient history.]

 

Yet in academic communities in the West advertising their scientific positivism, no efforts have been made to authenticate ancient books, histories and myths in building a school of Judging Ancient History of the West. A lot of myths and rumors have been grouped into authentic history of Greco Rome, and accumulated into history, while some brainless elites in China worship those fabricated pseudo history of masturbation as sacred.

 

I was interested in researching Western history, including learning foreign languages for unveiling the truth. But in recent years I have suffered from a serious illness, and had to throw in the towel, as I have been unable to improve the old theory and supplement research.

 

In fact failed to compile the book personally, I had to appoint most of the task to my assistant. It took me over a month to complete this short preamble. The book and above described theories are therefore incomplete. I can only attach hope to later talents, mastering oriental and occidental studies, capable to do away with superstitions and to question thoughts of Western history, in pursuing my work to be done. Herein is my preamble. 

 

He Xin

September 2014, drafted in the bed after surgery 

PS

At the age of 30 (1980), I entered the China Academy of Social Sciences. Like a reckless bull, I have rampaged in Humanities for over 30 years, with devastating and disruptive breakthroughs in an original and innovative manner. Along the way, I have encountered a lot of hatred and scolds. Yet, academically I have not found out any my competent opponents to beat me, with little to challenge me publicly. (For over 3 decades, there are limited opponents only, including Si Weizhi, Wang, Yabuki (Japanese scholar), and Gao, while each play consists of only one round at a time, in spite of my unexhausted efforts, the other party silently slips away.) So lonely!

 

But from now on, I will have to admit that I am incapable to complete some of my reasoning. For any critique, criticism, and attacks, I am afraid unable to respond or start an in-depth discussion and debate! Such is the variable conditions and all will end in vain. Alas, such is fate and what else can I say? But beam with a bittersweet smile!

, finding Shang through inscriptions on bones, and enabling the authentic history of Chinese civilization after Shang.

[Note: Hu Shi and Gu Jiegang started the school of doubting history in the early 20th century, suggesting that "accumulated rumors built ancient history" and regarding that from Xia to Qin, earlier ancient history, more myths and legends. The ancient history should result from accumulated rumors from generation to generation. They argued that none of scriptures,and  academic and historic records were credible as literatures of pre-Qin and ancient history had been compiled by scholars later, which prevailed for a while. Until Wang Guowei's finding of genealogy in inscriptions described in Historical Records, and Li Ji's findings of Yin Ruins following ancient books in Pre-Qin, more abundant relics were unearthed in the 20th century, completely breaking the denial of Chinese ancient history.]

 

Yet in academic communities in the West advertising their scientific positivism, no efforts have been made to authenticate ancient books, histories and myths in building a school of Judging Ancient History of the West. A lot of myths and rumors have been grouped into authentic history of Greco Rome, and accumulated into history, while some brainless elites in China worship those fabricated pseudo history of masturbation as sacred.

 

I was interested in researching Western history, including learning foreign languages for unveiling the truth. But in recent years I have suffered from a serious illness, and had to throw in the towel, as I have been unable to improve the old theory and supplement research.

 

In fact failed to compile the book personally, I had to appoint most of the task to my assistant. It took me over a month to complete this short preamble. The book and above described theories are therefore incomplete. I can only attach hope to later talents, mastering oriental and occidental studies, capable to do away with superstitions and to question thoughts of Western history, in pursuing my work to be done. Herein is my preamble. 

 

He Xin

September 2014, drafted in the bed after surgery 

PS

At the age of 30 (1980), I entered the China Academy of Social Sciences. Like a reckless bull, I have rampaged in Humanities for over 30 years, with devastating and disruptive breakthroughs in an original and innovative manner. Along the way, I have encountered a lot of hatred and scolds. Yet, academically I have not found out any my competent opponents to beat me, with little to challenge me publicly. (For over 3 decades, there are limited opponents only, including Si Weizhi, Wang, Yabuki (Japanese scholar), and Gao, while each play consists of only one round at a time, in spite of my unexhausted efforts, the other party silently slips away.) So lonely!

 

But from now on, I will have to admit that I am incapable to complete some of my reasoning. For any critique, criticism, and attacks, I am afraid unable to respond or start an in-depth discussion and debate! Such is the variable conditions and all will end in vain. Alas, such is fate and what else can I say? But beam with a bittersweet smile!



 青春就应该这样绽放  游戏测试:三国时期谁是你最好的兄弟!!  你不得不信的星座秘密

[转载]黄庭坚:赠送张叔和

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原文地址:黄庭坚:赠送张叔和作者:苏豫
 张侯温如邹子律,能令阴谷黍生春。
  有齐先君之季女,十年择对无可人。
  箕帚扫公堂上尘,家风孝友故相亲。
  庙中时荐南涧蘋,儿女衣袴得补纫。
  两家俱为白头计,察公与人意甚真。
  吏能束缚老奸手,要使鳏寡无颦呻。
  但回此光还照己,平生倦学皆日新。
  我提养生之四印,君家所有更赠君。
  百战百胜不如一忍,万言万当不如一默。
  无可简择眼界平,不藏秋毫心地直。
  我肱三折得此医,自觉两踵生光辉。
  团蒲日静鸟吟时,炉薰一炷试观之。

 青春就应该这样绽放  游戏测试:三国时期谁是你最好的兄弟!!  你不得不信的星座秘密

[转载]The Substance of Shake

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The Substance of Shakespearean Tragedy by A. C. Bradley

Publication Details: Shakespearean Tragedy: Lectures on Hamlet, Othello, King Lear, Macbeth. London: Macmillan, 1904.

In the following essay from his influential study of Shakespearean tragedy, Bradley outlines his understanding of the principal characteristics of the generic form. The critic asserts that Shakespearean tragedy is neither wholly influenced by the classical Greek model that depends on the operation of fate nor the Hegelian model that views tragedy as the product of an external conflict between antagonistic groups; rather, Shakespeare's tragic conception is shaped by his tragic heroes' internal struggle and their external responses to the circumstances around them as they strive to reconcile their actions with the mystery of human nature, which exhibits a propensity for the performance of both good and evil.

The question we are to consider in this lecture may be stated in a variety of ways. We may put it thus: What is the substance of a Shakespearean tragedy, taken in abstraction both from its form and from the differences in point of substance between one tragedy and another? Or thus: What is the nature of the tragic aspect of life as represented by Shakespeare? What is the general fact shown now in this tragedy and now in that? And we are putting the same question when we ask: What is Shakespeare's tragic conception, or conception of tragedy?

These expressions, it should be observed, do not imply that Shakespeare himself ever asked or answered such a question; that he set himself to reflect on the tragic aspects of life, that he framed a tragic conception, and still less that, like Aristotle or Corneille, he had a theory of the kind of poetry called tragedy. These things are all possible; how far any one of them is probable we need not discuss; but none of them is presupposed by the question we are going to consider. This question implies only that, as a matter of fact, Shakespeare in writing tragedy did represent a certain aspect of life in a certain way, and that through examination of his writings we ought to be able, to some extent, to describe this aspect and way in terms addressed to the understanding. Such a description, so far as it is true and adequate, may, after these explanations, be called indifferently an account of the substance of Shakespearean tragedy, or an account of Shakespeare's conception of tragedy or view of the tragic fact.

Two further warnings may be required. In the first place, we must remember that the tragic aspect of life is only one aspect. We cannot arrive at Shakespeare's whole dramatic way of looking at the world from his tragedies alone, as we can arrive at Milton's way of regarding things, or at Wordsworth's or at Shelley's, by examining almost any one of their important works. Speaking very broadly, one may say that these poets at their best always look at things in one light; but Hamlet and Henry IV and Cymbeline reflect things from quite distinct positions, and Shakespeare's whole dramatic view is not to be identified with any one of these reflections. And, in the second place, I may repeat that in these lectures, at any rate for the most part, we are to be content with his dramatic view, and are not to ask whether it corresponded exactly with his opinions or creed outside his poetry--the opinions or creed of the being whom we sometimes oddly call 'Shakespeare the man.' It does not seem likely that outside his poetry he was a very simple-minded Catholic or Protestant or Atheist, as some have maintained; but we cannot be sure, as with those other poets we can, that in his works he expressed his deepest and most cherished convictions on ultimate questions, or even that he had any. And in his dramatic conceptions there is enough to occupy us.

1

In approaching our subject it will be best, without attempting to shorten the path by referring to famous theories of the drama, to start directly from the facts, and to collect from them gradually an idea of Shakespearean Tragedy. And first, to begin from the outside, such a tragedy brings before us a considerable number of persons (many more than the persons in a Greek play, unless the members of the Chorus are reckoned among them); but it is pre-eminently the story of one person, the 'hero,'1 or at most of two, the 'hero' and 'heroine.' Moreover, it is only in the love-tragedies, Romeo and Juliet and Antony and Cleopatra, that the heroine is as much the centre of the action as the hero. The rest, including Macbeth, are single stars. So that, having noticed the peculiarity of these two dramas, we may henceforth, for the sake of brevity, ignore it, and may speak of the tragic story as being concerned primarily with one person.

The story, next, leads up to, and includes, the death of the hero. On the one hand (whatever may be true of tragedy elsewhere), no play at the end of which the hero remains alive is, in the full Shakespearean sense, a tragedy; and we no longer class Troilus and Cressida or Cymbeline as such, as did the editors of the Folio. On the other hand, the story depicts also the troubled part of the hero's life which precedes and leads up to his death; and an instantaneous death occurring by 'accident' in the midst of prosperity would not suffice for it. It is, in fact, essentially a tale of suffering and calamity conducting to death.

The suffering and calamity are, moreover, exceptional. They befall a conspicuous person. They are themselves of some striking kind. They are also, as a rule, unexpected, and contrasted with previous happiness or glory. A tale, for example, of a man slowly worn to death by disease, poverty, little cares, sordid vices, petty persecutions, however piteous or dreadful it might be, would not be tragic in the Shakespearean sense.

Such exceptional suffering and calamity, then, affecting the hero, and--we must now add--generally extending far and wide beyond him, so as to make the whole scene a scene of woe, are an essential ingredient in tragedy and a chief source of the tragic emotions, and especially of pity. But the proportions of this ingredient, and the direction taken by tragic pity, will naturally vary greatly. Pity, for example, has a much larger part in King Lear than in Macbeth, and is directed in the one case chiefly to the hero, in the other chiefly to minor characters.

Let us now pause for a moment on the ideas we have so far reached. They would more than suffice to describe the whole tragic fact as it presented itself to the mediaeval mind. To the mediaeval mind a tragedy meant a narrative rather than a play, and its notion of the matter of this narrative may readily be gathered from Dante or, still better, from Chaucer. Chaucer's Monk's Tale is a series of what he calls 'tragedies'; and this means in fact a series of tales de Casibus Illustrium Virorum,--stories of the Falls of Illustrious Men, such as Lucifer, Adam, Hercules and Nebuchadnezzar. And the Monk ends the tale of Croesus thus:

Anhanged was Cresus, the proudè kyng;

His roial tronè myghte hym nat availle.

Tragédie is noon oother maner thyng,

Ne kan in syngyng criè ne biwaille

But for that Fortune alwey wole assaile

With unwar strook the regnès that been proude;

For whan men trusteth hire, thanne wol she faille,

And covere hire brighte facè with a clowde.

A total reverse of fortune, coming unawares upon a man who 'stood in high degree,' happy and apparently secure,--such was the tragic fact to the mediaeval mind. It appealed strongly to common human sympathy and pity; it startled also another feeling, that of fear. It frightened men and awed them. It made them feel that man is blind and helpless, the plaything of an inscrutable power, called by the name of Fortune or some other name,--a power which appears to smile on him for a little, and then on a sudden strikes him down in his pride.

Shakespeare's idea of the tragic fact is larger than this idea and goes beyond it; but it includes it, and it is worth while to observe the identity of the two in a certain point which is often ignored. Tragedy with Shakespeare is concerned always with persons of 'high degree'; often with kings or princes; if not, with leaders in the state like Coriolanus, Brutus, Antony; at the least, as in Romeo and Juliet, with members of great houses, whose quarrels are of public moment. There is a decided difference here between Othello and our three other tragedies, but it is not a difference of kind. Othello himself is no mere private person; he is the General of the Republic. At the beginning we see him in the Council-Chamber of the Senate. The consciousness of his high position never leaves him. At the end, when he is determined to live no longer, he is as anxious as Hamlet not to be misjudged by the great world, and his last speech begins,

Soft you; a word or two before you go.

I have done the state some service, and they know it.2

And this characteristic of Shakespeare's tragedies, though not the most vital, is neither external nor unimportant. The saying that every death-bed is the scene of the fifth act of a tragedy has its meaning, but it would not be true if the word 'tragedy' bore its dramatic sense. The pangs of despised love and the anguish of remorse, we say, are the same in a peasant and a prince; but, not to insist that they cannot be so when the prince is really a prince, the story of the prince, the triumvir, or the general, has a greatness and dignity of its own. His fate affects the welfare of a whole nation or empire; and when he falls suddenly from the height of earthly greatness to the dust, his fall produces a sense of contrast, of the powerlessness of man, and of the omnipotence--perhaps the caprice--of Fortune or Fate, which no tale of private life can possibly rival.

Such feelings are constantly evoked by Shakespeare's tragedies,--again in varying degrees. Perhaps they are the very strongest of the emotions awakened by the early tragedy of Richard II, where they receive a concentrated expression in Richard's famous speech about the antic Death, who sits in the hollow crown

That rounds the mortal temples of a king,

grinning at his pomp, watching till his vanity and his fancied security have wholly encased him round, and then coming and boring with a little pin through his castle wall. And these feelings, though their predominance is subdued in the mightiest tragedies, remain powerful there. In the figure of the maddened Lear we see

A sight most pitiful in the meanest wretch,

Past speaking of in a king;

and if we would realise the truth in this matter we cannot do better than compare with the effect of King Lear the effect of Tourgénief's parallel and remarkable tale of peasant life, A King Lear of the Steppes.

2

A Shakespearean tragedy as so far considered may be called a story of exceptional calamity leading to the death of a man in high estate. But it is clearly much more than this, and we have now to regard it from another side. No amount of calamity which merely befell a man, descending from the clouds like lightning, or stealing from the darkness like pestilence, could alone provide the substance of its story. Job was the greatest of all the children of the east, and his afflictions were well-nigh more than he could bear; but even if we imagined them wearing him to death, that would not make his story tragic. Nor yet would it become so, in the Shakespearean sense, if the fire, and the great wind from the wilderness, and the torments of his flesh were conceived as sent by a supernatural power, whether just or malignant. The calamities of tragedy do not simply happen, nor are they sent; they proceed mainly from actions, and those the actions of men.

We see a number of human beings placed in certain circumstances; and we see, arising from the co-operation of their characters in these circumstances, certain actions. These actions beget others, and these others beget others again, until this series of inter-connected deeds leads by an apparently inevitable sequence to a catastrophe. The effect of such a series on imagination is to make us regard the sufferings which accompany it, and the catastrophe in which it ends, not only or chiefly as something which happens to the persons concerned, but equally as something which is caused by them. This at least may be said of the principal persons, and, among them, of the hero, who always contributes in some measure to the disaster in which he perishes.

This second aspect of tragedy evidently differs greatly from the first. Men, from this point of view, appear to us primarily as agents, 'themselves the authors of their proper woe'; and our fear and pity, though they will not cease or diminish, will be modified accordingly. We are now to consider this second aspect, remembering that it too is only one aspect, and additional to the first, not a substitute for it.

The 'story' or 'action' of a Shakespearean tragedy does not consist, of course, solely of human actions or deeds; but the deeds are the predominant factor. And these deeds are, for the most part, actions in the full sense of the word; not things done ''tween asleep and wake,' but acts or omissions thoroughly expressive of the doer,--characteristic deeds. The centre of the tragedy, therefore, may be said with equal truth to lie in action issuing from character, or in character issuing in action.

Shakespeare's main interest lay here. To say that it lay in mere character, or was a psychological interest, would be a great mistake, for he was dramatic to the tips of his fingers. It is possible to find places where he has given a certain indulgence to his love of poetry, and even to his turn for general reflections; but it would be very difficult, and in his later tragedies perhaps impossible, to detect passages where he has allowed such freedom to the interest in character apart from action. But for the opposite extreme, for the abstraction of mere 'plot' (which is a very different thing from the tragic 'action'), for the kind of interest which predominates in a novel like The Woman in White, it is clear that he cared even less. I do not mean that this interest is absent from his dramas; but it is subordinate to others, and is so interwoven with them that we are rarely conscious of it apart, and rarely feel in any great strength the half-intellectual, half-nervous excitement of following an ingenious complication. What we do feel strongly, as a tragedy advances to its close, is that the calamities and catastrophe follow inevitably from the deeds of men, and that the main source of these deeds is character. The dictum that, with Shakespeare, 'character is destiny' is no doubt an exaggeration, and one that may mislead (for many of his tragic personages, if they had not met with peculiar circumstances, would have escaped a tragic end, and might even have lived fairly untroubled lives); but it is the exaggeration of a vital truth.

This truth, with some of its qualifications, will appear more clearly if we now go on to ask what elements are to be found in the 'story' or 'action,' occasionally or frequently, beside the characteristic deeds, and the sufferings and circumstances, of the persons. I will refer to three of these additional factors.

(a) Shakespeare, occasionally and for reasons which need not be discussed here, represents abnormal conditions of mind; insanity, for example, somnambulism, hallucinations. And deeds issuing from these are certainly not what we called deeds in the fullest sense, deeds expressive of character. No; but these abnormal conditions are never introduced as the origin of deeds of any dramatic moment. Lady Macbeth's sleepwalking has no influence whatever on the events that follow it. Macbeth did not murder Duncan because he saw a dagger in the air: he saw the dagger because he was about to murder Duncan. Lear's insanity is not the cause of a tragic conflict any more than Ophelia's; it is, like Ophelia's, the result of a conflict; and in both cases the effect is mainly pathetic. If Lear were really mad when he divided his kingdom, if Hamlet were really mad at any time in the story, they would cease to be tragic characters.

(b) Shakespeare also introduces the supernatural into some of his tragedies; he introduces ghosts, and witches who have supernatural knowledge. This supernatural element certainly cannot in most cases, if in any, be explained away as an illusion in the mind of one of the characters. And further, it does contribute to the action, and is in more than one instance an indispensable part of it: so that to describe human character, with circumstances, as always the sole motive force in this action would be a serious error. But the supernatural is always placed in the closest relation with character. It gives a confirmation and a distinct form to inward movements already present and exerting an influence; to the sense of failure in Brutus, to the stifled workings of conscience in Richard, to the half-formed thought or the horrified memory of guilt in Macbeth, to suspicion in Hamlet. Moreover, its influence is never of a compulsive kind. It forms no more than an element, however important, in the problem which the hero has to face; and we are never allowed to feel that it has removed his capacity or responsibility for dealing with this problem. So far indeed are we from feeling this, that many readers run to the opposite extreme, and openly or privately regard the supernatural as having nothing to do with the real interest of the play.

(c) Shakespeare, lastly, in most of his tragedies allows to 'chance' or 'accident' an appreciable influence at some point in the action. Chance or accident here will be found, I think, to mean any occurrence (not supernatural, of course) which enters the dramatic sequence neither from the agency of a character, nor from the obvious surrounding circumstances.3 It may be called an accident, in this sense, that Romeo never got the Friar's message about the potion, and that Juliet did not awake from her long sleep a minute sooner; an accident that Edgar arrived at the prison just too late to save Cordelia's life; an accident that Desdemona dropped her handkerchief at the most fatal of moments; an accident that the pirate ship attacked Hamlet's ship, so that he was able to return forthwith to Denmark. Now this operation of accident is a fact, and a prominent fact, of human life. To exclude it wholly from tragedy, therefore, would be, we may say, to fail in truth. And, besides, it is not merely a fact. That men may start a course of events but can neither calculate nor control it, is a tragic fact. The dramatist may use accident so as to make us feel this; and there are also other dramatic uses to which it may be put. Shakespeare accordingly admits it. On the other hand, any large admission of chance into the tragic sequence4 would certainly weaken, and might destroy, the sense of the causal connection of character, deed, and catastrophe. And Shakespeare really uses it very sparingly. We seldom find ourselves exclaiming, 'What an unlucky accident!' I believe most readers would have to search painfully for instances. It is, further, frequently easy to see the dramatic intention of an accident; and some things which look like accidents have really a connection with character, and are therefore not in the full sense accidents. Finally, I believe it will be found that almost all the prominent accidents occur when the action is well advanced and the impression of the causal sequence is too firmly fixed to be impaired.

Thus it appears that these three elements in the 'action' are subordinate, while the dominant factor consists in deeds which issue from character. So that, by way of summary, we may now alter our first statement, 'A tragedy is a story of exceptional calamity leading to the death of a man in high estate,' and we may say instead (what in its turn is one-sided, though less so), that the story is one of human actions producing exceptional calamity and ending in the death of such a man.5

***

Before we leave the 'action,' however, there is another question that may usefully be asked. Can we define this 'action' further by describing it as a conflict?

The frequent use of this idea in discussions on tragedy is ultimately due, I suppose, to the influence of Hegel's theory on the subject, certainly the most important theory since Aristotle's. But Hegel's view of the tragic conflict is not only unfamiliar to English readers and difficult to expound shortly, but it had its origin in reflections on Greek tragedy and, as Hegel was well aware, applies only imperfectly to the works of Shakespeare.6 I shall, therefore, confine myself to the idea of conflict in its more general form. In this form it is obviously applicable to Shakespeare tragedy; but it is vague, and I will try to make it more precise by putting the question, Who are the combatants in this conflict?

Not seldom the conflict may quite naturally be conceived as lying between two persons, of whom the hero is one; or, more fully, as lying between two parties or groups, in one of which the hero is the leading figure. Or if we prefer to speak (as we may quite well do if we know what we are about) of the passions, tendencies, ideas, principles, forces, which animate these persons or groups, we may say that two of such passions or ideas, regarded as animating two persons or groups, are the combatants. The love of Romeo and Juliet is in conflict with the hatred of their houses, represented by various other characters. The cause of Brutus and Cassius struggles with that of Julius, Octavius and Antony. In Richard II the King stands on one side, Bolingbroke and his party on the other. In Macbeth the hero and heroine are opposed to the representatives of Duncan. In all these cases the great majority of the dramatis personae fall without difficulty into antagonistic groups, and the conflict between these groups ends with the defeat of the hero.

Yet one cannot help feeling that in at least one of these cases, Macbeth, there is something a little external in this way of looking at the action. And when we come to some other plays this feeling increases. No doubt most of the characters in Hamlet, King Lear, Othello, or Antony and Cleopatra can be arranged in opposed groups;7 and no doubt there is a conflict; and yet it seems misleading to describe this conflict as one between these groups. It cannot be simply this. For though Hamlet and the King are mortal foes, yet that which engrosses our interest and dwells in our memory at least as much as the conflict between them, is the conflict within one of them. And so it is, though not in the same degree, with Antony and Cleopatra and even with Othello; and, in fact, in a certain measure, it is so with nearly all the tragedies. There is an outward conflict of persons and groups, there is also a conflict of forces in the hero's soul; and even in Julius Caesar and Macbeth the interest of the former can hardly be said to exceed that of the latter.

The truth is, that the type of tragedy in which the hero opposes to a hostile force an undivided soul, is not the Shakespearean type. The souls of those who contend with the hero may be thus undivided; they generally are; but, as a rule, the hero, though he pursues his fated way, is, at least at some point in the action, and sometimes at many, torn by an inward struggle; and it is frequently at such points that Shakespeare shows his most extraordinary power. If further we compare the earlier tragedies with the later, we find that it is in the latter, the maturest works, that this inward struggle is most emphasised. In the last of them, Coriolanus, its interest completely eclipses towards the close of the play that of the outward conflict. Romeo and Juliet, Richard III, Richard II, where the hero contends with an outward force, but comparatively little with himself, are all early plays.

If we are to include the outer and the inner struggle in a conception more definite than that of conflict in general, we must employ some such phrase as 'spiritual force.' This will mean whatever forces act in the human spirit, whether good or evil, whether personal passion or impersonal principle; doubts, desires, scruples, ideas--whatever can animate, shake, possess, and drive a man's soul. In a Shakespearean tragedy some such forces are shown in conflict. They are shown acting in men and generating strife between them. They are also shown, less universally, but quite as characteristically, generating disturbance and even conflict in the soul of the hero. Treasonous ambition in Macbeth collides with loyalty and patriotism in Macduff and Malcolm: here is the outward conflict. But these powers or principles equally collide in the soul of Macbeth himself: here is the inner. And neither by itself could make the tragedy.8

We shall see later the importance of this idea. Here we need only observe that the notion of tragedy as a conflict emphasises the fact that action is the centre of the story, while the concentration of interest, in the greater plays, on the inward struggle emphasises the fact that this action is essentially the expression of character.

3

Let us turn now from the 'action' to the central figure in it; and, ignoring the characteristics which distinguish the heroes from one another, let us ask whether they have any common qualities which appear to be essential to the tragic effect.

One they certainly have. They are exceptional beings. We have seen already that the hero, with Shakespeare, is a person of high degree or of public importance, and that his actions or sufferings are of an unusual kind. But this is not all. His nature also is exceptional, and generally raises him in some respect much above the average level of humanity. This does not mean that he is an eccentric or a paragon. Shakespeare never drew monstrosities of virtue; some of his heroes are far from being 'good'; and if he drew eccentrics he gave them a subordinate position in the plot. His tragic characters are made of the stuff we find within ourselves and within the persons who surround them. But, by an intensification of the life which they share with others, they are raised above them; and the greatest are raised so far that, if we fully realise all that is implied in their words and actions, we become conscious that in real life we have known scarcely any one resembling them. Some, like Hamlet and Cleopatra, have genius. Others, like Othello, Lear, Macbeth, Coriolanus, are built on the grand scale; and desire, passion, or will attains in them a terrible force. In almost all we observe a marked one-sidedness, a predisposition in some particular direction; a total incapacity, in certain circumstances, of resisting the force which draws in this direction; a fatal tendency to identify the whole being with one interest, object, passion, or habit of mind. This, it would seem, is, for Shakespeare, the fundamental tragic trait. It is present in his early heroes, Romeo and Richard II, infatuated men, who otherwise rise comparatively little above the ordinary level. It is a fatal gift, but it carries with it a touch of greatness; and when there is joined to it nobility of mind, or genius, or immense force, we realise the full power and reach of the soul, and the conflict in which it engages acquires that magnitude which stirs not only sympathy and pity, but admiration, terror, and awe.

The easiest way to bring home to oneself the nature of the tragic character is to compare it with a character of another kind. Dramas like Cymbeline and the Winter's Tale, which might seem destined to end tragically, but actually end otherwise, owe their happy ending largely to the fact that the principal characters fail to reach tragic dimensions. And, conversely, if these persons were put in the place of the tragic heroes, the dramas in which they appeared would cease to be tragedies. Posthumus would never have acted as Othello did; Othello, on his side, would have met Iachimo's challenge with something more than words. If, like Posthumus, he had remained convinced of his wife's infidelity, he would not have repented her execution; if, like Leontes, he had come to believe that by an unjust accusation he had caused her death, he would never have lived on, like Leontes. In the same way the villain Iachimo has no touch of tragic greatness. But Iago comes nearer to it, and if Iago had slandered Imogen and had supposed his slanders to have led to her death, he certainly would not have turned melancholy and wished to die. One reason why the end of the Merchant of Venice fails to satisfy us is that Shylock is a tragic character, and that we cannot believe in his accepting his defeat and the conditions imposed on him. This was a case where Shakespeare's imagination ran away with him, so that he drew a figure with which the destined pleasant ending would not harmonise.

In the circumstances where we see the hero placed, his tragic trait, which is also his greatness, is fatal to him. To meet these circumstances something is required which a smaller man might have given, but which the hero cannot give. He errs, by action or omission; and his error, joining with other causes, brings on him ruin. This is always so with Shakespeare. As we have seen, the idea of the tragic hero as a being destroyed simply and solely by external forces is quite alien to him; and not less so is the idea of the hero as contributing to his destruction only by acts in which we see no flaw. But the fatal imperfection or error, which is never absent, is of different kinds and degrees. At one extreme stands the excess and precipitancy of Romeo, which scarcely, if at all, diminish our regard for him; at the other the murderous ambition of Richard III. In most cases the tragic error involves no conscious breach of right; in some (e.g. that of Brutus or Othello) it is accompanied by a full conviction of right. In Hamlet there is a painful consciousness that duty is being neglected; in Antony a clear knowledge that the worse of two courses is being pursued; but Richard and Macbeth are the only heroes who do what they themselves recognise to be villainous. It is important to observe that Shakespeare does admit such heroes,9 and also that he appears to feel, and exerts himself to meet, the difficulty that arises from their admission. The difficulty is that the spectator must desire their defeat and even their destruction; and yet this desire, and the satisfaction of it, are not tragic feelings. Shakespeare gives to Richard therefore a power which excites astonishment, and a courage which extorts admiration. He gives to Macbeth a similar, though less extraordinary, greatness, and adds to it a conscience so terrifying in its warnings and so maddening in its reproaches that the spectacle of inward torment compels a horrified sympathy and awe which balance, at the least, the desire for the hero's ruin.

The tragic hero with Shakespeare, then, need not be 'good,' though generally he is 'good' and therefore at once wins sympathy in his error. But it is necessary that he should have so much of greatness that in his error and fall we may be vividly conscious of the possibilities of human nature.10 Hence, in the first place, a Shakespearean tragedy is never, like some miscalled tragedies, depressing. No one ever closes the book with the feeling that man is a poor mean creature. He may be wretched and he may be awful, but he is not small. His lot may be heart-rending and mysterious, but it is not contemptible. The most confirmed of cynics ceases to be a cynic while he reads these plays. And with this greatness of the tragic hero (which is not always confined to him) is connected, secondly, what I venture to describe as the centre of the tragic impression. This central feeling is the impression of waste. With Shakespeare, at any rate, the pity and fear which are stirred by the tragic story seem to unite with, and even to merge in, a profound sense of sadness and mystery, which is due to this impression of waste. 'What a piece of work is man,' we cry; 'so much more beautiful and so much more terrible than we knew! Why should he be so if this beauty and greatness only tortures itself and throws itself away?' We seem to have before us a type of the mystery of the whole world, the tragic fact which extends far beyond the limits of tragedy. Everywhere, from the crushed rocks beneath our feet to the soul of man, we see power, intelligence, life and glory, which astound us and seem to call for our worship. And everywhere we see them perishing, devouring one another and destroying themselves, often with dreadful pain, as though they came into being for no other end. Tragedy is the typical form of this mystery, because that greatness of soul which it exhibits oppressed, conflicting and destroyed, is the highest existence in our view. It forces the mystery upon us, and it makes us realise so vividly the worth of that which is wasted that we cannot possibly seek comfort in the reflection that all is vanity.

4

In this tragic world, then, where individuals, however great they may be and however decisive their actions may appear, are so evidently not the ultimate power, what is this power? What account can we give of it which will correspond with the imaginative impressions we receive? This will be our final question.

The variety of the answers given to this question shows how difficult it is. And the difficulty has many sources. Most people, even among those who know Shakespeare well and come into real contact with his mind, are inclined to isolate and exaggerate some one aspect of the tragic fact. Some are so much influenced by their own habitual beliefs that they import them more or less into their interpretation of every author who is 'sympathetic' to them. And even where neither of these causes of error appears to operate, another is present from which it is probably impossible wholly to escape. What I mean is this. Any answer we give to the question proposed ought to correspond with, or to represent in terms of the understanding, our imaginative and emotional experience in reading the tragedies. We have, of course, to do our best by study and effort to make this experience true to Shakespeare; but, that done to the best of our ability, the experience is the matter to be interpreted, and the test by which the interpretation must be tried. But it is extremely hard to make out exactly what this experience is, because, in the very effort to make it out, our reflecting mind, full of everyday ideas, is always tending to transform it by the application of these ideas, and so to elicit a result which, instead of representing the fact, conventionalises it. And the consequence is not only mistaken theories; it is that many a man will declare that he feels in reading a tragedy what he never really felt, while he fails to recognise what he actually did feel. It is not likely that we shall escape all these dangers in our effort to find an answer to the question regarding the tragic world and the ultimate power in it.

It will be agreed, however, first, that this question must not be answered in 'religious' language. For although this or that dramatis persona may speak of gods or of God, of evil spirits or of Satan, of heaven and of hell, and although the poet may show us ghosts from another world, these ideas do not materially influence his representation of life, nor are they used to throw light on the mystery of its tragedy. The Elizabethan drama was almost wholly secular; and while Shakespeare was writing he practically confined his view to the world of non-theological observation and thought, so that he represents it substantially in one and the same way whether the period of the story is pre-Christian or Christian.11 He looked at this 'secular' world most intently and seriously; and he painted it, we cannot but conclude, with entire fidelity, without the wish to enforce an opinion of his own, and, in essentials, without regard to anyone's hopes, fears, or beliefs. His greatness is largely due to this fidelity in a mind of extraordinary power; and if, as a private person, he had a religious faith, his tragic view can hardly have been in contradiction with this faith, but must have been included in it, and supplemented, not abolished, by additional ideas.

Two statements, next, may at once be made regarding the tragic fact as he represents it: one, that it is and remains to us something piteous, fearful and mysterious; the other, that the representation of it does not leave us crushed, rebellious or desperate. These statements will be accepted, I believe, by any reader who is in touch with Shakespeare's mind and can observe his own. Indeed such a reader is rather likely to complain that they are painfully obvious. But if they are true as well as obvious, something follows from them in regard to our present question.

From the first it follows that the ultimate power in the tragic world is not adequately described as a law or order which we can see to be just and benevolent,--as, in that sense, a 'moral order': for in that case the spectacle of suffering and waste could not seem to us so fearful and mysterious as it does. And from the second it follows that this ultimate power is not adequately described as a fate, whether malicious and cruel, or blind and indifferent to human happiness and goodness: for in that case the spectacle would leave us desperate or rebellious. Yet one or other of these two ideas will be found to govern most accounts of Shakespeare's tragic view or world. These accounts isolate and exaggerate single aspects, either the aspect of action or that of suffering; either the close and unbroken connection of character, will, deed and catastrophe, which, taken alone, shows the individual simply as sinning against, or failing to conform to, the moral order and drawing his just doom on his own head; or else that pressure of outward forces, that sway of accident, and those blind and agonised struggles, which, taken alone, show him as the mere victim of some power which cares neither for his sins nor for his pain. Such views contradict one another, and no third view can unite them; but the several aspects from whose isolation and exaggeration they spring are both present in the fact, and a view which would be true to the fact and to the whole of our imaginative experience must in some way combine these aspects.

Let us begin, then, with the idea of fatality and glance at some of the impressions which give rise to it, without asking at present whether this idea is their natural or fitting expression. There can be no doubt that they do arise and that they ought to arise. If we do not feel at times that the hero is, in some sense, a doomed man; that he and others drift struggling to destruction like helpless creatures borne on an irresistible flood towards a cataract; that, faulty as they may be, their fault is far from being the sole or sufficient cause of all they suffer; and that the power from which they cannot escape is relentless and immovable, we have failed to receive an essential part of the full tragic effect.

The sources of these impressions are various, and I will refer only to a few. One of them is put into words by Shakespeare himself when he makes the player-king in Hamlet say:

Our thoughts are ours, their ends none of our own;

'their ends' are the issues or outcomes of our thoughts, and these, says the speaker, are not our own. The tragic world is a world of action, and action is the translation of thought into reality. We see men and women confidently attempting it. They strike into the existing order of things in pursuance of their ideas. But what they achieve is not what they intended; it is terribly unlike it. They understand nothing, we say to ourselves, of the world on which they operate. They fight blindly in the dark, and the power that works through them makes them the instrument of a design which is not theirs. They act freely, and yet their action binds them hand and foot. And it makes no difference whether they meant well or ill. No one could mean better than Brutus, but he contrives misery for his country and death for himself. No one could mean worse than Iago, and he too is caught in the web he spins for others. Hamlet, recoiling from the rough duty of revenge, is pushed into blood-guiltiness he never dreamed of, and forced at last on the revenge he could not will. His adversary's murders, and no less his adversary's remorse, bring about the opposite of what they sought. Lear follows an old man's whim, half generous, half selfish; and in a moment it looses all the powers of darkness upon him. Othello agonises over an empty fiction, and, meaning to execute solemn justice, butchers innocence and strangles love. They understand themselves no better than the world about them. Coriolanus thinks that his heart is iron, and it melts like snow before a fire. Lady Macbeth, who thought she could dash out her own child's brains, finds herself hounded to death by the smell of a stranger's blood. Her husband thinks that to gain a crown he would jump the life to come, and finds that the crown has brought him all the horrors of that life. Everywhere, in this tragic world, man's thought, translated into act, is transformed into the opposite of itself. His act, the movement of a few ounces of matter in a moment of time, becomes a monstrous flood which spreads over a kingdom. And whatsoever he dreams of doing, he achieves that which he least dreamed of, his own destruction.

All this makes us feel the blindness and helplessness of man. Yet by itself it would hardly suggest the idea of fate, because it shows man as in some degree, however slight, the cause of his own undoing. But other impressions come to aid it. It is aided by everything which makes us feel that a man is, as we say, terribly unlucky; and of this there is, even in Shakespeare, not a little. Here come in some of the accidents already considered, Juliet's waking from her trance a minute too late, Desdemona's loss of her handkerchief at the only moment when the loss would have mattered, that insignificant delay which cost Cordelia's life. Again, men act, no doubt, in accordance with their characters; but what is it that brings them just the one problem which is fatal to them and would be easy to another, and sometimes brings it to them just when they are least fitted to face it? How is it that Othello comes to be the companion of the one man in the world who is at once able enough, brave enough, and vile enough to ensnare him? By what strange fatality does it happen that Lear has such daughters and Cordelia such sisters? Even character itself contributes to these feelings of fatality. How could men escape, we cry, such vehement propensities as drive Romeo, Antony, Coriolanus, to their doom? And why is it that a man's virtues help to destroy him, and that his weakness or defect is so intertwined with everything that is admirable in him that we can hardly separate them even in imagination?

If we find in Shakespeare's tragedies the source of impressions like these, it is important, on the other hand, to notice what we do not find there. We find practically no trace of fatalism in its more primitive, crude and obvious forms. Nothing, again, makes us think of the actions and sufferings of the persons as somehow arbitrarily fixed beforehand without regard to their feelings, thoughts and resolutions. Nor, I believe, are the facts ever so presented that it seems to us as if the supreme power, whatever it may be, had a special spite against a family or an individual. Neither, lastly, do we receive the impression (which, it must be observed, is not purely fatalistic) that a family, owing to some hideous crime or impiety in early days, is doomed in later days to continue a career of portentous calamities and sins. Shakespeare, indeed, does not appear to have taken much interest in what we now call heredity, or to have attached much importance to it.

What, then, is this 'fate' which the impressions already considered lead us to describe as the ultimate power in the tragic world? It appears to be a mythological expression for the whole system or order, of which the individual characters form an inconsiderable and feeble part; which seems to determine, far more than they, their native dispositions and their circumstances, and, through these, their action; which is so vast and complex that they can scarcely at all understand it or control its workings; and which has a nature so definite and fixed that whatever changes take place in it produce other changes inevitably and without regard to men's desires and regrets. And whether this system or order is best called by the name of fate or no,12 it can hardly be denied that it does appear as the ultimate power in the tragic world, and that it has such characteristics as these. But the name 'fate' may be intended to imply something more--to imply that this order is a blank necessity, totally regardless alike of human weal and of the difference between good and evil or right and wrong. And such an implication many readers would at once reject. They would maintain, on the contrary, that this order shows characteristics of quite another kind from those which made us give it the name of fate, characteristics which certainly should not induce us to forget those others, but which would lead us to describe it as a moral order and its necessity as a moral necessity.

5

Let us turn, then, to this idea. It brings into the light those aspects of the tragic fact which the idea of fate throws into the shade. And the argument which leads to it in its simplest form may be stated briefly thus: 'Whatever may be said of accidents, circumstances and the like, human action is, after all, presented to us as the central fact in tragedy, and also as the main cause of the catastrophe. That necessity which so much impresses us is, after all, chiefly the necessary connection of actions and consequences. For these actions we, without even raising a question on the subject, hold the agents responsible; and the tragedy would disappear for us if we did not. The critical action is, in greater or less degree, wrong or bad. The catastrophe is, in the main, the return of this action on the head of the agent. It is an example of justice; and that order which, present alike within the agents and outside them, infallibly brings it about, is therefore just. The rigour of its justice is terrible, no doubt, for a tragedy is a terrible story; but, in spite of fear and pity, we acquiesce, because our sense of justice is satisfied.'

Now, if this view is to hold good, the 'justice' of which it speaks must be at once distinguished from what is called 'poetic justice.' 'Poetic justice' means that prosperity and adversity are distributed in proportion to the merits of the agents. Such 'poetic justice' is in flagrant contradiction with the facts of life, and it is absent from Shakespeare's tragic picture of life; indeed, this very absence is a ground of constant complaint on the part of Dr. Johnson. Δρaσαντi παtειν, 'the doer must suffer'--this we find in Shakespeare. We also find that villainy never remains victorious and prosperous at the last. But an assignment of amounts of happiness and misery, an assignment even of life and death, in proportion to merit, we do not find. No one who thinks of Desdemona and Cordelia; or who remembers that one end awaits Richard III and Brutus, Macbeth and Hamlet; or who asks himself which suffered most, Othello or Iago; will ever accuse Shakespeare of representing the ultimate power as 'poetically' just.

And we must go further. I venture to say that it is a mistake to use at all these terms of justice and merit or desert. And this for two reasons. In the first place, essential as it is to recognise the connection between act and consequence, and natural as it may seem in some cases (e.g. Macbeth's) to say that the doer only gets what he deserves, yet in very many cases to say this would be quite unnatural. We might not object to the statement that Lear deserved to suffer for his folly, selfishness and tyranny; but to assert that he deserved to suffer what he did suffer is to do violence not merely to language but to any healthy moral sense. It is, moreover, to obscure the tragic fact that the consequences of action cannot be limited to that which would appear to us to follow 'justly' from them. And, this being so, when we call the order of the tragic world just, we are either using the word in some vague and unexplained sense, or we are going beyond what is shown us of this order, and are appealing to faith.

But, in the second place, the ideas of justice and desert are, it seems to me, in all cases--even those of Richard III and of Macbeth and Lady Macbeth--untrue to our imaginative experience. When we are immersed in a tragedy, we feel towards dispositions, actions, and persons such emotions as attraction and repulsion, pity, wonder, fear, horror, perhaps hatred; but we do not judge. This is a point of view which emerges only when, in reading a play, we slip, by our own fault or the dramatist's, from the tragic position, or when, in thinking about the play afterwards, we fall back on our everyday legal and moral notions. But tragedy does not belong, any more than religion belongs, to the sphere of these notions; neither does the imaginative attitude in presence of it. While we are in its world we watch what is, seeing that so it happened and must have happened, feeling that it is piteous, dreadful, awful, mysterious, but neither passing sentence on the agents, nor asking whether the behaviour of the ultimate power towards them is just. And, therefore, the use of such language in attempts to render our imaginative experience in terms of the understanding is, to say the least, full of danger.13

Let us attempt then to re-state the idea that the ultimate power in the tragic world is a moral order. Let us put aside the ideas of justice and merit, and speak simply of good and evil. Let us understand by these words, primarily, moral good and evil, but also everything else in human beings which we take to be excellent or the reverse. Let us understand the statement that the ultimate power or order is 'moral' to mean that it does not show itself indifferent to good and evil, or equally favourable or unfavourable to both, but shows itself akin to good and alien from evil. And, understanding the statement thus, let us ask what grounds it has in the tragic fact as presented by Shakespeare.

Here, as in dealing with the grounds on which the idea of fate rests, I choose only two or three out of many. And the most important is this. In Shakespearean tragedy the main source of the convulsion which produces suffering and death is never good: good contributes to this convulsion only from its tragic implication with its opposite in one and the same character. The main source, on the contrary, is in every case evil; and, what is more (though this seems to have been little noticed), it is in almost every case evil in the fullest sense, not mere imperfection but plain moral evil. The love of Romeo and Juliet conducts them to death only because of the senseless hatred of their houses. Guilty ambition, seconded by diabolic malice and issuing in murder, opens the action in Macbeth. Iago is the main source of the convulsion in Othello; Goneril, Regan and Edmund in King Lear. Even when this plain moral evil is not the obviously prime source within the play, it lies behind it: the situation with which Hamlet has to deal has been formed by adultery and murder. Julius Caesar is the only tragedy in which one is even tempted to find an exception to this rule. And the inference is obvious. If it is chiefly evil that violently disturbs the order of the world, this order cannot be friendly to evil or indifferent between evil and good, any more than a body which is convulsed by poison is friendly to it or indifferent to the distinction between poison and food.

Again, if we confine our attention to the hero, and to those cases where the gross and palpable evil is not in him but elsewhere, we find that the comparatively innocent hero still shows some marked imperfection or defect,--irresolution, precipitancy, pride, credulousness, excessive simplicity, excessive susceptibility to sexual emotions, and the like. These defects or imperfections are certainly, in the wide sense of the word, evil, and they contribute decisively to the conflict and catastrophe. And the inference is again obvious. The ultimate power which shows itself disturbed by this evil and reacts against it, must have a nature alien to it. Indeed its reaction is so vehement and 'relentless' that it would seem to be bent on nothing short of good in perfection, and to be ruthless in its demand for it.

To this must be added another fact, or another aspect of the same fact. Evil exhibits itself everywhere as something negative, barren, weakening, destructive, a principle of death. It isolates, disunites, and tends to annihilate not only its opposite but itself. That which keeps the evil man14 prosperous, makes him succeed, even permits him to exist, is the good in him (I do not mean only the obviously 'moral' good). When the evil in him masters the good and has its way, it destroys other people through him, but it also destroys him. At the close of the struggle he has vanished, and has left behind him nothing that can stand. What remains is a family, a city, a country, exhausted, pale and feeble, but alive through the principle of good which animates it; and, within it, individuals who, if they have not the brilliance or greatness of the tragic character, still have won our respect and confidence. And the inference would seem clear. If existence in an order depends on good, and if the presence of evil is hostile to such existence, the inner being or soul of this order must be of one nature with good.

These are aspects of the tragic world at least as clearly marked as those which, taken alone, suggest the idea of fate. And the idea which they in their turn, when taken alone, may suggest, is that of an order which does not indeed award 'poetic justice,' but which reacts through the necessity of its own 'moral' nature both against attacks made upon it and against failure to conform to it. Tragedy, on this view, is the exhibition of that convulsive reaction; and the fact that the spectacle does not leave us rebellious or desperate is due to a more or less distinct perception that the tragic suffering and death arise from collision, not with a fate or blank power, but with a moral power, a power akin to all that we admire and revere in the characters themselves. This perception produces something like a feeling of acquiescence in the catastrophe, though it neither leads us to pass judgment on the characters nor diminishes the pity, the fear, and the sense of waste, which their struggle, suffering and fall evoke. And, finally, this view seems quite able to do justice to those aspects of the tragic fact which give rise to the idea of fate. They would appear as various expressions of the fact that the moral order acts not capriciously or like a human being, but from the necessity of its nature, or, if we prefer the phrase, by general laws,--a necessity or law which of course knows no exception and is as 'ruthless' as fate.

It is impossible to deny to this view a large measure of truth. And yet without some amendment it can hardly satisfy. For it does not include the whole of the facts, and therefore does not wholly correspond with the impressions they produce. Let it be granted that the system or order which shows itself omnipotent against individuals is, in the sense explained, moral. Still--at any rate for the eye of sight--the evil against which it asserts itself, and the persons whom this evil inhabits, are not really something outside the order, so that they can attack it or fail to conform to it; they are within it and a part of it. It itself produces them,--produces Iago as well as Desdemona, Iago's cruelty as well as Iago's courage. It is not poisoned, it poisons itself. Doubtless it shows by its violent reaction that the poison is poison, and that its health lies in good. But one significant fact cannot remove another, and the spectacle we witness scarcely warrants the assertion that the order is responsible for the good in Desdemona, but Iago for the evil in Iago. If we make this assertion we make it on grounds other than the facts as presented in Shakespeare's tragedies.

Nor does the idea of a moral order asserting itself against attack or want of conformity answer in full to our feelings regarding the tragic character. We do not think of Hamlet merely as failing to meet its demand, of Antony as merely sinning against it, or even of Macbeth as simply attacking it. What we feel corresponds quite as much to the idea that they are its parts, expressions, products; that in their defect or evil it is untrue to its soul of goodness, and falls into conflict and collision with itself; that, in making them suffer and waste themselves, it suffers and wastes itself; and that when, to save its life and regain peace from this intestinal struggle, it casts them out, it has lost a part of its own substance,--a part more dangerous and unquiet, but far more valuable and nearer to its heart, than that which remains,--a Fortinbras, a Malcolm, an Octavius. There is no tragedy in its expulsion of evil: the tragedy is that this involves the waste of good.

Thus we are left at last with an idea showing two sides or aspects which we can neither separate nor reconcile. The whole or order against which the individual part shows itself powerless seems to be animated by a passion for perfection: we cannot otherwise explain its behaviour towards evil. Yet it appears to engender this evil within itself, and in its effort to overcome and expel it it is agonised with pain, and driven to mutilate its own substance and to lose not only evil but priceless good. That this idea, though very different from the idea of a blank fate, is no solution of the riddle of life is obvious; but why should we expect it to be such a solution? Shakespeare was not attempting to justify the ways of God to men, or to show the universe as a Divine Comedy. He was writing tragedy, and tragedy would not be tragedy if it were not a painful mystery. Nor can he be said even to point distinctly, like some writers of tragedy, in any direction where a solution might lie. We find a few references to gods or God, to the influence of the stars, to another life: some of them certainly, all of them perhaps, merely dramatic--appropriate to the person from whose lips they fall. A ghost comes from Purgatory to impart a secret out of the reach of its hearer--who presently meditates on the question whether the sleep of death is dreamless. Accidents once or twice remind us strangely of the words, 'There's a divinity that shapes our ends.' More important are other impressions. Sometimes from the very furnace of affliction a conviction seems borne to us that somehow, if we could see it, this agony counts as nothing against the heroism and love which appear in it and thrill our hearts. Sometimes we are driven to cry out that these mighty or heavenly spirits who perish are too great for the little space in which they move, and that they vanish not into nothingness but into freedom. Sometimes from these sources and from others comes a presentiment, formless but haunting and even profound, that all the fury of conflict, with its waste and woe, is less than half the truth, even an illusion, 'such stuff as dreams are made of.' But these faint and scattered intimations that the tragic world, being but a fragment of a whole beyond our vision, must needs be a contradiction and no ultimate truth, avail nothing to interpret the mystery. We remain confronted with the inexplicable fact, or the no less inexplicable appearance, of a world travailing for perfection, but bringing to birth, together with glorious good, an evil which it is able to overcome only by self-torture and self-waste. And this fact or appearance is tragedy.15

Notes

1. Julius Caesar is not an exception to this rule. But for the name given to the play, presumably to attract the public, no careful reader would hesitate to call Brutus the hero.

2. Timon of Athens, we have seen, was probably not designed by Shakespeare, but even Timon is no exception to the rule. The sub-plot is concerned with Alcibiades and his army, and Timon himself is treated by the Senate as a man of great importance. Arden of Feversham and A Yorkshire Tragedy would certainly be exceptions to the rule; but I assume that neither of them is Shakespeare's; and if either is, it belongs to a different species from his admitted tragedies. See, on this species, [John Addington] Symonds, Shakspere's Predecessors [in the English Drama, 1884], ch. xi.

3. Even a deed would, I think, be counted an 'accident,' if it were the deed of a very minor person whose character had not been indicated; because such a deed would not issue from the little world to which the dramatist had confined our attention.

4. Comedy stands in a different position. The tricks played by chance often form a principal part of the comic action.

5. It may be observed that the influence of the three elements just considered is to strengthen the tendency, produced by the sufferings considered first, to regard the tragic persons as passive rather than as agents.

6. An account of Hegel's view may be found in the Hibbert Journal for July, 1904.

7. The reader, however, will find considerable difficulty in placing some very important characters in these and other plays. I will give only two or three illustrations. Edgar is clearly not on the same side as Edmund, and yet it seems awkward to range him on Gloster's side when Gloster wishes to put him to death. Ophelia is in love with Hamlet, but how can she be said to be of Hamlet's party against the King and Polonius, or of their party against Hamlet? Desdemona worships Othello, yet it sounds odd to say that Othello is on the same side with a person whom he insults, strikes and murders.

8. I have given names to the 'spiritual forces' in Macbeth merely to illustrate the idea, and without any pretension to adequacy. Perhaps, in view of some interpretations of Shakespeare's plays, it will be as well to add that I do not dream of suggesting that in any of his dramas Shakespeare imagined two abstract principles or passions conflicting, and incorporated them in persons; or that there is any necessity for a reader to define for himself the particular forces which conflict in a given case.

9. Aristotle apparently would exclude them.

10. Richard II is perhaps an exception, and I must confess that to me he is scarcely a tragic character, and that, if he is nevertheless a tragic figure, he is so only because his fall from prosperity to adversity is so great.

11. I say substantially; but the concluding remarks on Hamlet will modify a little the statements above.

12. I have raised no objection to the use of the idea of fate, because it occurs so often both in conversation and in books about Shakespeare's tragedies that I must suppose it to be natural to many readers. Yet I doubt whether it would be so if Greek tragedy had never been written; and I must in candour confess that to me it does not often occur while I am reading, or when I have just read, a tragedy of Shakespeare. Wordsworth's lines, for example, about

 poor humanity's afflicted will

Struggling in vain with ruthless destiny

do not represent the impression I receive; much less do images which compare man to a puny creature helpless in the claws of a bird of prey. The reader should examine himself closely on this matter.

13. It is dangerous, I think, in reference to all really good tragedies, but I am dealing here only with Shakespeare's. In not a few Greek tragedies it is almost inevitable that we should think of justice and retribution, not only because the dramatis personae often speak of them, but also because there is something casuistical about the tragic problem itself. The poet treats the story in such a way that the question, Is the hero doing right or wrong? is almost forced upon us. But this is not so with Shakespeare. Julius Caesar is probably the only one of his tragedies in which the question suggests itself to us, and this is one of the reasons why that play has something of a classic air. Even here, if we ask the question, we have no doubt at all about the answer.

14. It is most essential to remember that an evil man is much more than the evil in him. I may add that in this paragraph I have, for the sake of clearness, considered evil in its most pronounced form; but what is said would apply, mutatis mutandis, to evil as imperfection, etc.

15. Partly in order not to anticipate later passages, I abstained from treating fully here the question why we feel, at the death of the tragic hero, not only pain but also reconciliation and sometimes even exultation. ...

Source Citation

Bradley, A. C. "The Substance of Shakespearean Tragedy." Shakespearean Tragedy: Lectures on Hamlet, Othello, King Lear, Macbeth. London: Macmillan, 1904. 5-39. Rpt. in Shakespearean Criticism. Ed. Michelle Lee. Vol. 125. Detroit: Gale, 2009. Literature Resource Center. Web. 3 June 2010.

 

 


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中医保健原则(汉英对照)

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中医保健原则

Principles of Health Care in TCM

 



 

精神保健:

1.         豁达乐观

2.         清心寡欲

3.         喜怒有节

4.         省思少虑

5.         忌忧伤悲

6.         避免惊恐

饮食保健:

1.         食宜清淡

2.         谨和五味

3.         按时节量

4.         调适寒热

5.         清洁卫生

6.         饮食宜忌

起居保健:

1.         起居有常

2.         安卧有方

3.         衣适寒温

4.         讲究卫生

劳逸保健:

1.         勿劳伤形体

2.         勿劳伤心神

3.         勿房劳过度

4.         勿过度安逸

运动保健:

1.         坚持参加劳动

2.         坚持体育锻炼

顺应自然保健:

1.         顺应四时

2.         调适环境 

Mental Health Care:

1.         Being open-minded and optimistic

2.         Keepin a clear mind and reducing desire

3.         Controlling joy and anger

4.         Abstaining from too much worry

5.         Refraining from grief, sorrow and misery

6.         Avoiding terror and fear

Dietetic Health Care:

1.         Choosing a simple and light diet

2.         Seasoning food with the five tastes properly

3.         Dining at regular times and controlling the intake

4.         Regulating cold and heat of food

5.         Following proper methods of cleanliness

6.         Following some instructions in diet

Regular-life Health Care:

1.         Leading a regular life

2.         Following a correct way of sleeping

3.         Adjusting one’s clothing according to climate

4.         Paying attention to hygiene

Balance between Work and Rest for Health Care:

1.         Avoiding overwork

2.         Avoiding irritability

3.         Regulating sexual life

4.         Avoiding excessive leisure

Health Care by Sports:

1.         Participating in physical labor

2.         Taking part in physical training

Health Care by Conforming to Nature:

1.         Conforming to the four seasons

2.         Adjusting enviornment 

 

                                            ——摘自《英汉实用中医药大全》第九分册“自我保健”

 


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[转载]妒忌 On Envy

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原文地址:妒忌 On Envy作者:英语世界杂志

妒忌

On Envy

 

(选自《英语世界》2015年第3期)

 

/吴冠中  /李运兴

 

 

    自从潘朵拉的匣子里放出了妒忌,妒忌便弥漫于全人类,但人类却看不清这魔鬼的形状,是圆是长[1]?是肥是瘦?是狼牙虎齿?或是绵羊一般温柔的伪装?童年,当老师表扬了别的同学,而不是我,我感到十分难受,这是幼小心灵最先触摸[2]到的妒忌吧,但这妒忌又启示我两样想法:一是努力超过优胜者,二是陷害他。

Envy has come to permeate the world, ever since it was unleashed from Pandora’s box. Yet we cannot see the shape of the ghost: is it tall or short, fat or lean? Does it have the fangs of a wolf or a tiger? Or is it in the disguise of a meek lamb? In my childhood, when the teacher praised someone else, but not me, I would feel very uncomfortable. Perhaps that was the earliest form of envy that grew in a young heart. Meanwhile, this form of envy motivated two different desires in me: to try my best to outdo the advantaged person, or to plot a frame-up against him.

 

2长大以后,感到妒忌的魔影更无处不在,原来它是与生存夺取共生共灭的。自古以来,妒忌引起无穷的纠纷,甚至爆发战争,一部人类史串连着妒忌,这妒忌倒有些与吃人相似了。同行是冤家文人相轻无疑都同宗于妒忌。面对利益,人与人既根本冲突又须互相协助,和平共处。于是索性组织同业公会,公开矛盾,试将妒忌转化为竞争,因而出现剪子巷、锣鼓巷、花市街、羊市街、牛街……直至当代,各种公会、协会,在安定团结的大前提下,缓解矛盾,消灭妒忌。然而妒忌永远消灭不了。韩愈痛感:事修而谤兴,德高而诽来,钱锺书躲开一切媒体:落寞声名免谤增。

[2] When I grew up, I came to see that the ghostly shadow of envy is to be found everywhere and that it has long coexisted with man’s desire for survival and possession. Since time immemorial, envy has given rise to an infinite number of disputes, and sometimes even military conflicts. Envy is a thread that runs through the history of mankind, and in this sense it is much like what Lu Xun called “people eating people”, a sin of human society. “People of the same trade are adversaries” and “Men of letters tend to despise one another” – such social phenomena can certainly be attributed to the evil of envy. When it comes to interests or benefits, men are necessarily pitted against one another, but at the same time they must cooperate and coexist in peace. Consequently, trade associations or guilds are set up in an attempt to put differences aside and transform envy into cooperation. So in history we see the emergence of such exclusively specialized markets as Scissors Lane, Gong and Drum Lane, Flower Street, Mutton Street or Beef Street… In modern times the various associations or guilds carry on the same mission of easing contradictions and avoiding envy in the context of maintaining stability and unity. But envy will never be eradicated. Han Yu, a great writer and thinker in the Tang dynasty, observed in one of his famous essays: “One who achieves a successful career invites slanders; one who attains a high level of morality is subject to defamation.” And the modern scholar Qian Zhongshu did all he could to shun media attention, telling his readers: “Don’t seek fame: it only brings vilification”.

 

3其实,妒忌的另一面是激发强者超越,只有弱者,卑微者,才成为妒忌的俘虏。不必再怨潘朵拉放出了妒忌,她用妒忌来考验人们的品质,并赋予方向完全相反的两条道路。

[3] However, envy, on the other hand, can also inspire the strong to do even better than others, and only the weak and petty succumb to envy and become its captives. Don’t blame Pandora for letting out the evil. By doing so she subjects man to a test of virtue, leaving him with two roads that run in opposite directions.

 

 



[1] 此处未直译,而是译作“是高是矮”,以使英语行文更为自然。

[2] 为顺应英语表达需要,译文用动词 grew


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[转载]妙趣横生的十二生肖诗

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妙趣横生的十二生肖诗

 

 

    南北朝时,不仅使用十二生肖纪年,著名文士沈炯还创作了我国第一首有趣的十二生肖诗:

   “鼠迹生尘案,牛羊暮下来。虎啸坐空谷,兔月向窗开,龙隰远青翠,蛇柳近徘徊。马兰方远摘,羊负始春栽。猴栗羞芳果,鸡砧引清杯。狗其怀物外,猪蠡窗悠哉。”

    这道诗在首字按排序嵌入十二生肖名,且突出了每种动物的生性特点,起到画龙点睛的作用,可谓别开生面,文采娱人。

 

  南宋儒学大家朱熹也曾写过一首十二生肖诗。他把十二生肖名,巧妙地散嵌于诗句中。诗云:

    “昼间空箪啮饥鼠,晓驾羸牛耕废圃。时才虎圈听豪夸,旧业兔国嗟差卤。君看蛰龙卧三冬,头角不与蛇争雄。毁车杀马罢驰逐,烹羊酤酒聊从容。手种猴桃垂架绿,养得鹍鸡(鹍鸡:古书指像鹤的一种鸟)鸣角角。客来犬吠催煮茶,不用东家买猪肉。”

 

  元代文人刘因的咏十二生肖诗:

    “饥鹰吓鼠惊不起,牛背高眼有如此。江山虎踞千里来,才辨荆州兔穴尔。鱼龙入水浩无涯,幻镜等是杯中蛇。马耳秋风去无迹,羊肠蜀道早还家。何必高门沐猴舞,肠栅鸡栖皆乐土。柴门狗吠报邻翁,约买神猪谢春雨。”

    诗中嵌入十二属相,且每一句都是一个寓意生辉的故事。

 

  明朝大学者胡俨也写有十二生肖诗,诗云:

    “鼷鼠饮河河不干,牛女长年相见难。赤手南山缚猛虎,月中取兔天漫漫。骊龙有珠常不睡,画蛇添足适为累。老马何曾有角生,羝羊触藩徒忿嚏。莫笑楚人冠沐猴,祝鸡空自老林邱。舞阳屠狗沛中市,平津放豕海东头。”

    首句“鼷鼠”即水鼠;二句的“牛女”即民间牛郎织女的传说:五句的“骊龙”是龙的一个种类,其颏下有宝珠一颗,故谓之骊龙;八句的“羝羊”即公羊,“触藩”指羊角触篱笆;十一句的“舞阳”指汉高祖刘邦封名将樊哙为舞阳侯,他曾在江苏沛县以宰狗为生;最后一句是指汉武帝时的丞相公孙弘,当年曾在东海放过猪。

    此诗不仅依次嵌入生肖名,而且一名一典,让人在享受情趣之余品味内涵。

 

 

 

戏填十二生肖诗

 

  四年鼠客在黄洲,范生颠狂愚胜牛。哓哓虎贲正横行,嘤嘤狐兔堪悲秋。神龙留香成绝响,蛇珠已逝空刻舟。还忆年少万马堂,牧羊原上月如钩。灵猴献果为君寿,东门鸡唱西门柳。白衣一瞬作苍狗,故园饲豕应未羞。

 

  南北朝时沈炯作:

 

  “鼠迹生尘案,牛羊暮下来。虎啸坐空谷,兔月向窗开。

  龙湿远青翠,蛇柳近徘徊。马兰远方摘,羊负始春栽。

  猴粟羞芳果,鸡砧引清怀。狗其怀物外,猪蠢窗悠哉。”

 

  明代的胡严写的:

 

  “鼷鼠饮河河不干,牛女长年相见难。赤手南山缚猛虎,

  月中取兔天漫漫。骊龙有珠常不眠,画蛇添足始为累。

  老马何曾有角生,羝羊触藩陡念嚏。莫笑楚人冠沐猴。

  祝鸡空自老林邱。舞阳屠狗沛中市,平津牧猪海东头。”

 

  “硕鼠饮河河不干,牛女长年相见难。赤手南山缚猛虎,月中取兔天漫漫。骊龙有珠常不眠,画蛇添足实为累。老马何曾有角生,羝羊触藩徒忿嚏。莫笑楚人冠沐猴,祝鸡空自老林邱。舞阳屠狗沛中市,平津牧豕海东头。”

 

  “世情鼹鼠已满腹,诗稿牛腰却成束。平生不帝虎狼秦,晚守兔园真碌碌。龙汉心知劫未终,贾生痛哭原蛇足。梨园烟散舞马尽,独剩羊车人似玉。子如猕猴传神通,画课鸡窗伴幽独。板桥狗肉何可羡,当羡东坡花猪肉。”

 

  《十二属诗》:

 

  鼠迹生尘案,牛羊暮下来。虎啸坐空谷,兔月向窗开。

  龙阴远青翠,蛇柳近徘徊。马兰方远摘,羊负始春栽。

  猴栗羞芳果,鸡砧引清怀。狗其怀屋外,猪蠡窗悠哉。

 

  “鼠迹生梁尘案,牛羊幕下来。虎啸坐空谷,兔月向宫开。龙瞑远青翠,蛇柳近徘徊。马兰方远搞,羊负始春栽。猴采羞芳果?鸡砧引清杯。狗其怀物外,猪蠡自悠哉。”

 

  民初著名学者黄浚也写过一首十二生肖诗:

 

  “世情鼹鼠已满腹,诗稿牛腰却成束。平生不帝虎狼秦,晚守兔园真碌碌。龙汉心知劫未终,贾生痛哭原蛇足。梨园烟散舞马尽,独剩羊车人似玉。子如猕猴传神通,画课鸡窗伴幽独。板桥狗肉何可羡,当羡东坡花猪肉。”

 

  十二生肖诗

 

  我国古代有十二生肖体诗,系一种游戏性质的诗作,全首十二句,依十二生肖顺序各咏一句,每句须嵌一生肖名,联成一体,五、七言皆可。除了前面介绍的几首外,南宋儒学大家朱熹,也曾写过一首十二生肖诗。同样,他把十二生肖名散嵌于诗句中。诗云:

 

  昼闻空箪啮饥鼠,晓驾羸牛耕废圃。时才虎圈听豪夸,旧业兔国嗟莽卤。

  君看蛰龙卧三冬,头角不与蛇争雄。毁车杀马罢驰逐,烹羊酤酒聊从容。

  手种猴挑垂架绿,养得鹍鸡鸣角角,客来犬吠催煮茶,不用东家买猪肉。

 

  民初,大画家王梦白曾为门生李漪绘十二生肖图,顷刻而就。时知名学者黄浚在场,李即以图乞诗于黄,黄乃为作《十二生肖题句》一首:

 

  世情偃鼠已满腹,诗稿牛腰却成束。平生不帝虎狼秦,晚守兔园真碌碌。

  龙汉心知劫未终,贾生痛哭原蛇足。梨园烟散舞马尽,独剩羊车人似玉。

  子如猕猴传神通,画课鸡窗伴幽独。板桥狗肉何可羡,当羡东坡花猪肉。

 

 

十二生肖诗歌

 

 

投鼠忌器存戒心 ……汗牛充栋学问深

 

 

 



猛虎一吼山川震 ……狡兔三窟宜脱身

 



 

青龙腾空主祥瑞 ……白蛇下凡觅知音

 

 



 

万马驰骋芳草地 ……三羊开泰物候新

 

 



 

金猴奋起千钧棒 ……雄鸡唱彻万户春

 

 



 

义犬忠诚尽职守 ……肥猪满圈地生金

 

 



 

十二生肖轮流转 天干地支定乾坤

 

 

 

 

 十二生肖诗

 

 

    

     兰若无人到,真僧出复稀。

     苔侵行道席,云湿坐禅衣。

     涧鼠缘香案,山蝉噪竹扉。

     世间长不见,宁止暂忘归。

    

     牛来开弦,人为置镞。捩机关,迸山谷。鹿骇涩,

     隼击迟。析毫中睫,洞腋分龟。达坚垒,残雄师,

 

     可以冠猛乐壮曲。抑扬蹈厉,有裂犀兕之气者非公与。

    

     山凿落兮眇嶔岑,云溶溶兮木棽棽。

     中何有兮人不睹,远欹差兮閟仙府。

     彼仙府兮深且幽,望一至兮藐无由。

     望不从兮知如何,心混混兮意浑和。

     思假足兮虎翼,超阻绝兮凌踔。

     诣仙府兮从羽人,饵五灵兮保清真。

    

     小时不识月,呼作白玉盘。

     又疑瑶台镜,飞在青云端。

     仙人垂两足,桂树作团团。

     白兔捣药成,问言与谁餐。

 

    

     浮云何权奇,绝足世未知。

     长嘶清海风,蹀躞振云丝。

     由来渥洼种,本是苍龙儿。

     若识跃峤怯,宁劳耀金羁。

     当思八荒外,逐日向瑶池。

    

     笺麻素绢排数厢,宣州石砚墨色光。

     吾喜醉后倚绳床,须臾扫尽数千张。

     飘风骤雨惊飒飒,落花飞雪何茫茫。

     怳怳如闻神鬼泣,时时只见惊蛇走。

    

     天兵九月渡遐水,马踏沙鸣惊雁起。

     杀气空高万里情,塞寒如箭伤眸子。

 

     狼烟堡上霜漫漫,枯叶号风天地干。

    

     疾风卷溟海,万里扬砂砾。

     仰望不见天,昏昏竟朝夕。

     雨雪雁南飞,风尘景西迫。

     青羊傲云端,月出万山低。

    

     盘磴回廊古塔深,紫芝红药入云寻。

     晚吹箫管秋山里,引得弥猴出象林。

    

     花萼楼前雨露新,长安城里太平人。

     凤衔火树千灯艳,鸡踏莲花万岁春。

     帝宫三五戏春台,行雨流风莫妒来。

     西域灯轮千影合,东华金阙万重开。

 

    

     涘江拂潮冲白日,淮海长波接远天。

     仙镝流音鸣鹤岭,宝剑分辉落蛟濑。

     未看白驹对芦刍,且觉浮云似车盖。

     峰开华岳耸疑莲,水激龙门急如箭。

     不知灵药根成狗,明月笙歌红烛院。

    

     莫交牵动青猪足,动即炎炎不可扑。

     溪声夜涨寒通枕,懒性从来水竹居。

 

 

 

十二生肖顺口溜

 

子·鼠:目光短小臭千秋,十二生肖却为头。

丑·牛:血汗洒田笃实朋,默默耕耘苦一生。

寅·虎:林深啸起风声远,腾跃山间气势宏。

卯·兔:耳聪尾短有三窟,扑朔迷离怎辨出。

辰·龙:体藏东海卧深潭,从不把身现世间。

巳·蛇:曲折蜿蜒细身长,弓映杯中自惊慌。

戊·马:金鞍蹄奋踏飞云,飒飒英姿似战神。

未·羊:咩声唤起三阳泰,盛世迎福万利收。

申·猴:龙王玉帝无畏惧,鬼怪妖魔相见愁。

酉·鸡:独有引吭催晓曲,迎来旭日壮乾坤。

戌·狗:防卫盗贼亲守夜,忠于家主品如金。

亥·猪:肠粗肚大懒脏谗,只为口福饱美餐。

 

 

 

 

 


 青春就应该这样绽放  游戏测试:三国时期谁是你最好的兄弟!!  你不得不信的星座秘密

[转载]罕见的《 王羲之·千字文 》


[转载]二十四节气古画

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原文地址:二十四节气古画作者:好好先生

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  二十四节气古画 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog

 

 

 

   春雨惊春清谷天,

    夏满芒夏暑相连,

   秋处露秋寒霜降,

   冬雪雪冬小大寒。

 

 边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog

 

 

 

 



 

 

 

边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

   

 

 

 

 

   水 

 

 

 

 

 

 

    

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

     

 

 

 

 

 

 

    

 

 

 

 

 

 

    

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

  至 

 

 

 

 

 

 

   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  寒 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog

 

          二十四节气是中国古代订立的一种用来指导农事的补充历法,是在春秋战国时期形成的。由于中国农历是一种“阴阳合历”,即根据太阳也根据月亮的运行制定的,因此不能完全反映太阳运行周期,但中国又是一个农业社会,农业需要严格了解太阳运行情况,农事完全根据太阳进行,所以在历法中又加入了单独反映太阳运行周期的“二十四节气”,用作确定闰月的标准。二十四节气能反映季节的变化,指导农事活动,影响着千家万户的衣食住行。二十四节气是根据太阳在黄道(即地球绕太阳公转的轨道)上的位置来划分的。

 

 

边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog边框现成模板极品(4) - 海珠儿 - 海珠儿 blog

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


 青春就应该这样绽放  游戏测试:三国时期谁是你最好的兄弟!!  你不得不信的星座秘密

[转载]朱自清散文《女人》(转载欣赏荷一样的女子)

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                      朱自清散文《女人》
   白水是个老实人,又是个有趣的人。他能在谈天的时候,滔滔不绝地发出长篇大论。这回听勉子说,日本某杂志上有《女?》一文,是几个文人以“女”为题的桌话的记录。他说,“这倒有趣,我们何不也来一下?”我们说,“你先来!”他搔了搔头发道:“好!就是我先来;你们可别临阵脱逃才好。”我们知道他照例是开口不能自休的。果然,一番话费了这多时候,以致别人只有补充的工夫,没有自叙的余裕。那时我被指定为临时书记,曾将桌上所说,拉杂写下。现在整理出来,便是以下一文。因为十之八是白水的意见,便用了第一人称,作为他自述的模样;我想,白水大概不至于不承认吧?

  老实说,我是个欢喜女人的人;从国民学校时代直到现在,我总一贯地欢喜着女人。虽然不曾受着什么“女难”,而女人的力量,我确是常常领略到的。女人就是磁石,我就是一块软铁;为了一个虚构的或实际的女人,呆呆的想了一两点钟,乃至想了一两个星期,真有不知肉味光景——这种事是屡屡有的。在路上走,远远的有女人来了,我的眼睛便像蜜蜂们嗅着花香一般,直攫过去。但是我很知足,普通的女人,大概看一两眼也就够了,至多再掉一回头。像我的一位同学那样,遇见了异性,就立正——向左或向右转,仔细用他那两只近视眼,从眼镜下面紧紧追出去半日半日,然后看不见,然后开步走——我是用不着的。我们地方有句土话说:“乖子望一眼,呆子望到晚;”我大约总在“乖子”一边了。我到无论什么地方,第一总是用我的眼睛去寻找女人。在火车里,我必走遍几辆车去发见女人;在轮船里,我必走遍全船去发见女人。我若找不到女人时,我便逛游戏场去,赶庙会去,——我大胆地加一句——参观女学校去;这些都是女人多的地方。于是我的眼睛更忙了!我拖着两只脚跟着她们走,往往直到疲倦为止。
                     


  我所追寻的女人是什么呢?我所发见的女人是什么呢?这是艺术的女人。从前人将女人比做花,比做鸟,比做羔羊;他们只是说,女人是自然手里创造出来的艺术,使人们欢喜赞叹——正如艺术的儿童是自然的创作,使人们欢喜赞叹一样。不独男人欢喜赞叹,女人也欢喜赞叹;而“妒”便是欢喜赞叹的另一面,正如“爱”是欢喜赞叹的一面一样。受欢喜赞叹的,又不独是女人,男人也有。“此柳风流可爱,似张绪当年,”便是好例;而“美丰仪”一语,尤为“史不绝书”。但男人的艺术气分,似乎总要少些;贾宝玉说得好:男人的骨头是泥做的,女人的骨头是水做的。这是天命呢?还是人事呢?我现在还不得而知;只觉得事实是如此罢了。
                          

   你看,目下学绘画的“人体习作”的时候,谁不用了女人做他的模特儿呢?这不是因为女人的曲线更为可爱么?我们说,自有历史以来,女人是比男人更其艺术的;这句话总该不会错吧?所以我说,艺术的女人。所谓艺术的女人,有三种意思:是女人中最为艺术的,是女人的艺术的一面,是我们以艺术的眼去看女人。我说女人比男人更其艺术的,是一般的说法;说女人中最为艺术的,是个别的说法。——而“艺术”一词,我用它的狭义,专指眼睛的艺术而言,与绘画,雕刻,跳舞同其范类。艺术的女人便是有着美好的颜色和轮廓和动作的女人,便是她的容貌,身材,姿态,使我们看了感到“自己圆满”的女人。这里有一块天然的界碑,我所说的只是处女,少妇,中年妇人,那些老太太们,为她们的年岁所侵蚀,已上了凋零与枯萎的路途,在这一件上,已是落伍者了。女人的圆满相,只是她的“人的诸相”之一;她可以有大才能,大智慧,大仁慈,大勇毅,大贞洁等等,但都无碍于这一相。诸相可以帮助这一相,使其更臻于充实;这一相也可帮助诸相,分其圆满于它们,有时更能遮盖它们的缺处。我们之看女人,若被她的圆满相所吸引,便会不顾自己,不顾她的一切,而只陶醉于其中;这个陶醉是刹那的,无关心的,而且在沉默之中的。
                   
                          

                      
  我们之看女人,是欢喜而决不是恋爱。恋爱是全般的,欢喜是部分的。恋爱是整个“自我”与整个“自我”的融合,故坚深而久长;欢喜是“自我”间断片的融合,故轻浅而飘忽。这两者都是生命的趣味,生命的姿态。但恋爱是对人的,欢喜却兼人与物而言。——此外本还有“仁爱”,便是“民胞物与”之怀;再进一步,“天地与我并生,万物与我为一”,便是“神爱”,“大爱”了。这种无分物我的爱,非我所要论;但在此又须立一界碑,凡伟大庄严之像,无论属人属物,足以吸引人心者,必为这种爱;而优美艳丽的光景则始在“欢喜”的阈中。至于恋爱,以人格的吸引为骨子,有极强的占有性,又与二者不同。Y君以人与物平分恋爱与欢喜,以为“喜”仅属物,“爱”乃属人;若对人言“喜”,便是蔑视他的人格了。
                   

    现在有许多人也以为将女人比花,比鸟,比羔羊,便是侮辱女人;赞颂女人的体态,也是侮辱女人。所以者何?便是蔑视她们的人格了!但我觉得我们若不能将“体态的美”排斥于人格之外,我们便要慢慢的说这句话!而美若是一种价值,人格若是建筑于价值的基石上,我们又何能排斥那“体态的美”呢?所以我以为只须将女人的艺术的一面作为艺术而鉴赏它,与鉴赏其他优美的自然一样;艺术与自然是“非人格”的,当然便说不上“蔑视”与否。在这样的立场上,将人比物,欢喜赞叹,自与因袭的玩弄的态度相差十万八千里,当可告无罪于天下。——只有将女人看作“玩物”,才真是蔑视呢;即使是在所谓的“恋爱”之中。艺术的女人,是的,艺术的女人!我们要用惊异的眼去看她,那是一种奇迹!

                        

      我之看女人,十六年于兹了,我发现了一件事,就是将女人作为艺术而鉴赏时,切不可使她知道;无论是生疏的,是较熟悉的。因为这要引起她性的自卫的羞耻心或他种嫌恶心,她的艺术味便要变稀薄了;而我们因她的羞耻或嫌恶而关心,也就不能静观自得了。所以我们只好秘密地鉴赏;艺术原来是秘密的呀,自然的创作原来是秘密的呀。但是我所欢喜的艺术的女人,究竟是怎样的呢?您得问了。让我告诉您:我见过西洋女人,日本女人,江南江北两个女人,城内的女人,名闻浙东西的女人;但我的眼光究竟太狭了,我只见过不到半打的艺术的女人!而且其中只有一个西洋人,没有一个日本人!那西洋的处女是在Y城里一条僻巷的拐角上遇着的,惊鸿一瞥似地便过去了。
                   

   其余有两个是在两次火车里遇着的,一个看了半天,一个看了两天;还有一个是在乡村里遇着的,足足看了三个月。——我以为艺术的女人第一是有她的温柔的空气;使人如听着箫管的悠扬,如嗅着玫瑰花的芬芳,如躺着在天鹅绒的厚毯上。她是如水的密,如烟的轻,笼罩着我们;我们怎能不欢喜赞叹呢?这是由她的动作而来的;她的一举步,一伸腰,一掠鬓,一转眼,一低头,乃至衣袂的微扬,裙幅的轻舞,都如蜜的流,风的微漾;我们怎能不欢喜赞叹呢?最可爱的是那软软的腰儿;从前人说临风的垂柳,《红楼梦》里说晴雯的“水蛇腰儿”,都是说腰肢的细软的;但我所欢喜的腰呀,简直和苏州的牛皮糖一样,使我满舌头的甜,满牙齿的软呀。腰是这般软了,手足自也有飘逸不凡之概。你瞧她的足胫多么丰满呢!从膝关节以下,渐渐的隆起,像新蒸的面包一样;后来又渐渐渐渐地缓下去了。这足胫上正罩着丝袜,淡青的?或者白的?拉得紧紧的,一些儿绉纹没有,更将那丰满的曲线显得丰满了;而那闪闪的鲜嫩的光,简直可以照出人的影子。你再往上瞧,她的两肩又多么亭匀呢!像双生的小羊似的,又像两座玉峰似的;正是秋山那般瘦,秋水那般平呀。肩以上,便到了一般人讴歌颂赞所集的“面目”了。我最不能忘记的,是她那双鸽子般的眼睛,伶俐到像要立刻和人说话。在惺忪微倦的时候,尤其可喜,因为正像一对睡了的褐色小鸽子。和那润泽而微红的双颊,苹果般照耀着的,恰如曙色之与夕阳,巧妙的相映衬着。再加上那覆额的,稠密而蓬松的发,像天空的乱云一般,点缀得更有情趣了。而她那甜蜜的微笑也是可爱的东西;微笑是半开的花朵,里面流溢着诗与画与无声的音乐。是的,我说的已多了;我不必将我所见的,一个人一个人分别说给你,我只将她们融合成一个Sketch①给你看——这就是我的惊异的型,就是我所谓艺术的女子的型。但我的眼光究竟太狭了!我的眼光究竟太狭了!
                 

①英文:素描。   在女人的聚会里,有时也有一种温柔的空气;但只是笼统的空气,没有详细的节目。所以这是要由远观而鉴赏的,与个别的看法不同;若近观时,那笼统的空气也许会消失了的。说起这艺术的“女人的聚会”,我却想着数年前的事了,云烟一般,好惹人怅惘的。在P城一个礼拜日的早晨,我到一所宏大的教堂里去做礼拜;听说那边女人多,我是礼拜女人去的。那教堂是男女分坐的。我去的时候,女坐还空着,似乎颇遥遥的;我的遐想便去充满了每个空坐里。忽然眼睛有些花了,在薄薄的香泽当中,一群白上衣,黑背心,黑裙子的女人,默默的,远远的走进来了。我现在不曾看见上帝,却看见了带着翼子的这些安琪儿了!另一回在傍晚的湖上,暮霭四合的时候,一只插着小红花的游艇里,坐着八九个雪白雪白的白衣的姑娘;湖风舞弄着她们的衣裳,便成一片浑然的白。我想她们是湖之女神,以游戏三昧,暂现色相于人间的呢!第三回在湖中的一座桥上,淡月微云之下,倚着十来个,也是姑娘,朦朦胧胧的与月一齐白着。在抖荡的歌喉里,我又遇着月姊儿的化身了!——这些是我所发见的又一型。 是的,艺术的女人,那是一种奇迹! 1925年2月15日,白马湖。
                 

(转载引用网络图片)




 





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张爱玲《谈女人》

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谈女人

张爱玲

 

        西方人称阴险刻薄的女人为"猫"。新近看到一本专门骂女人的英文小册子叫《猫》,内容并非是完全未经人道的,但是与女人有关的隽语散见各处,搜集起来颇不容易,不像这里集其大成。摘译一部分,读者看过之后总有几句话说,有的嗔,有的笑,有的觉得痛快,也有自命为公允的男子作"平心之论",或是说"过激了一点",或是说:"对是对的,只适用于少数的女人,不过无论如何,有则改之,无则加勉"等等。总之,我从来没见过在这题目上无话可说的人。我自己当然也不外此例。我们先看了原文再讨论吧。

  《猫》的作者无名氏在序文里预先郑重声明:"这里的话,并非说的是你,亲爱的读者——假使你是个男子,也并非说的是你的妻子、姊妹、女儿、祖母或岳母。"他再三辩白他写这本书的目的并不是吃了女人的亏借以出气,但是他后来又承认是有点出气的作用,因为:"一个刚和太太吵过嘴的男子,上床之前读这本书,可以得到安慰。"他道:"女人物质方面的构造实在太合理化了,精神方面未免稍差,那也是意想中的事,不能苛求。"

  一个男子真正动了感情的时候,他的爱较女人的爱伟大得多。可是从另一方面观看,女人恨起一个人来,倒比男人持久得多。妇人与狗唯一的分别就是:狗不像女人一般地被宠坏了,它们不戴珠宝,而且——谢天谢地!——它们不会说话!

  算到头来,每一个男子的钱总是花在某一个女人身上。男人可以跟最下等的酒吧间女侍调情而不失身份——上流女人向邮差遥遥掷一个飞吻都不行!我们由此推断:男人不比女人,弯腰弯得再低些也不打紧,因为他不难重新直起腰来。一般的说来,女性的生活不像男性的生活那么需要多种的兴奋剂,所以如果一个男子公余之暇,做点越轨的事来调剂他的疲乏、烦恼、未完成的壮志,他应当被原恕。

  对于大多数的女人,"爱"的意思就是"被爱"。

  男子喜欢爱女人,但是有时候他也喜欢她爱他。如果你答应帮一个女人的忙,随便什么事她都肯替你做:但是如果你已经帮了她一个忙了,她就不忙着帮你的忙了。所以你应当时时刻刻答应帮不同的女人的忙,那么你多少能够得到一点酬报,一点好处——因为女人的报恩只有一种:预先的报恩。由男子看来,也许这女人的衣服是美妙悦目的——但是由另一个女人看来,它不过是"一先令三便士一码"的货色,所以就谈不上美。时间即是金钱,所以女人多花时间在镜子前面,就得多花钱在时装店里。

  如果你不调戏女人,她说你不是一个男人,如果你调戏她,她说你不是一个上等人。

  男子夸耀他的胜利——女子夸耀她的退避。可是敌方之所以进攻,往往全是她自己招惹出来的。

  女人不喜欢善良的男子,可是她们拿自己当做神速的感化院,一嫁了人之后,就以为丈夫立刻会变成圣人。

  唯独男子有开口求婚的权利——只要这制度一天存在,婚姻就一天不能够成为公平交易;女人动不动便抬出来说当初她"允许了他的要求",因而在争吵中占优势。为了这缘故,女人坚持应由男子求婚。多数的女人非得"做下不对的事",方才快乐。婚姻仿佛不够"不对"的。

  女人往往忘记这一点:她们全部的教育无非是教她们意志坚强,抵抗外界的诱惑——但是她们耗费毕生的精力去挑拨外界的诱惑。现代婚姻是一种保险,由女人发明的。

  若是女人信口编了故事之后就可以抽版税,所有的女人全都发财了。

  你向女人猛然提出一个问句,她的第一个回答大约是正史,第二个就是小说了。

  女人往往和丈夫苦苦辩论,务必驳倒他,然而向第三者她又引用他的话,当做至理名言。可怜的丈夫……女人与女人交朋友,不像男人与男人那么快,她们有较多的瞒人的事。

  女人们真是幸运——外科医生无法解剖她们的良心。女人品评男子,仅仅以他对她的待遇为依归,女人会说:"我不相信那人是凶手——他从来也没有谋杀过我!"

  男人做错事,但是女人远兜远转地计划怎样做错事。女人不大想到未来——同时也努力忘记她们的过去——所以天晓得她们到底有什么可想的!

  女人开始经济节约的时候,多少"必要"的花费她可以省掉,委实可惊!

  如果一个女人告诉了你一个秘密,千万别转告另一个女人——一定有别的女人告诉过她了。

  无论什么事,你打算替一个女人做的,她认为理所当然。无论什么事你替她做的,她并不表示感谢。无论什么小事你忘了做,她咒骂你。……家庭不是慈善机关。

  多数的女人说话之前从来不想一想。男人想一想——就不说了!若是她看书从来不看第二遍,因为她"知道里面的情节"了,这样的女人决不会成为一个好妻子。如果她只图新鲜,全然不顾及风格与韵致,那么过了些时,她摸清楚了丈夫的个性,他的弱点与怪僻处,她就嫌他沉闷无味,不复爱他了。

  你的女人建造空中楼阁——如果它们不存在,那全得怪你!叫一个女人说:"我错了",比男人说全套的急口令还要难些。你疑心你的妻子,她就欺骗你。你不疑心你的妻子,她就疑心你。

 


  凡是说"女人怎样怎样"的话,多半是俏皮话。单图俏皮,意义的正确上不免要打个折扣,因为各人有各人的脾气,如何能够一概而论?但是比较上女人是可以一概而论的,因为天下人风俗习惯职业环境各不相同,而女人大半总是在户内持家看孩子,传统的生活典型既然只有一种,个人的习性虽不同也有限。因此,笼统地说"女人怎样怎样",比说"男人怎样怎样"要有把握些。

  记得我们学校里有过一个非正式的辩论会,一经涉及男女问题,大家全都忘了原先的题目是什么,单单集中在这一点上,七嘴八舌,嬉笑怒骂,空气异常热烈。有一位女士以老新党的口吻侃侃谈到男子如何不公平,如何欺凌女子——这柔脆的,感情丰富的动物,利用她的情感来拘禁她,逼迫她作玩物,在生存竞争上女子之所以占下风全是因为机会不均等……在男女的论战中,女人永远是来这么一套。当时我忍不住要驳她,倒不是因为我专门喜欢做偏锋文章,实在是听厌了这一切。一九三○年间女学生们人手一册的《玲珑》杂志就是一面传授影星美容秘诀一面教导"美"了"容"的女子怎样严密防范男子的进攻,因为男子都是"心存不良"的,谈恋爱固然危险,便结婚也危险,因为结婚是恋爱的坟墓……女人这些话我们耳熟能详,男人的话我们也听得太多了,无非骂女子十恶不赦,罄竹难书,惟为民族生存计,不能赶尽杀绝。

  两方面各执一词,表面上看来未尝不是公有公理,婆有婆理。女人的确是小性儿,娇情,作伪,眼光如豆,狐媚子,(正经女人虽然痛恨荡妇,其实若有机会扮个妖妇的角色的话,没有一个不跃跃欲试的。)聪明的女人对于这些批评并不加辩护,可是返本归原,归罪于男子。在上古时代,女人因为体力不济,屈服在男子的拳头下,几千年来始终受支配,因为适应环境,养成了所谓妾妇之道。女子的劣根性是男子一手造成的,男子还抱怨些什么呢?

  女人的缺点全是环境所致,然则近代和男子一般受了高等教育的女人何以常常使人失望,像她的祖母一样地多心,闹别扭呢?当然,几千年的积习,不是一朝一夕可以改掉的,只消假以时日……

  可是把一切都怪在男子身上,也不是彻底的答复,似乎有不负责任的嫌疑。"不负责"也是男子久惯加在女人身上的一个形容词。《猫》的作者说:有一位名高望重的教授曾经告诉我一打的理由,为什么我不应当把女人看得太严重。这一直使我烦恼着,因为她们总把自己看得很严重,最恨人家把她们当做甜密的,不负责任的小东西。假如像这位教授说的,不应当把她们看得太严重,而她们自己又不甘心做"甜蜜的,不负责任的东西",那到底该怎样呢?她们要人家把她们看得很严重,但是她们做下点严重的错事的时候,她们又希望你说:"她不过是个不负责任的小东西"。

  女人当初之所以被征服,成为父系宗法社会的奴隶,是因为体力比不上男子。但是男子的体力也比不上豺狼虎豹,何以在物竞天择的过程中不曾为禽兽所屈服呢?可见得单怪别人是不行的。

  名小说家爱尔德斯·郝胥黎在《针锋相对》一书中说:"是何等样人,就会遇见何等样事。"《针锋相对》里面写一个年轻妻子玛格丽,她是一个讨打的,天生的可怜人。她丈夫本是一个相当驯良的丈夫,然而到底不得不辜负了她,和一个交际花发生了关系。玛格丽终于成为呼天抢地的伤心人。诚然,社会的进展是大得不可思议的,非个人所能控制,身当其冲者根本不知其所以然。但是追溯到某一阶段,总免不了有些主动的成份在内。像目前世界大局,人类逐步进化到竞争剧烈的机械化商业文明,造成了非打不可的局面,虽然奔走呼号闹着"不要打,打不得",也还是惶惑地一个个被牵进去了。的确是没有法子,但也不能说是不怪人类自己。有人说,男子统治世界,成绩很糟,不如让位给女人,准可以一新耳目。这话乍听很像是病急乱投医。如果是君主政治,武则天是个英主,唐太宗也是个英主,碰上个把好皇帝,不拘男女,一样天下太平。君主政治的毛病就在好皇帝太难得。若是民主政治呢,大多数的女人的自治能力水准较男子更低。而且国际间闹是非,本来就有点像老妈子吵架,再换了货真价实的女人,更是不堪设想。

  叫女子来治国平天下,虽然是"做戏无法,请个菩萨",这荒唐的建议却也有它的科学上的根据。曾经有人预言,这一次世界大战如果摧毁我们的文明到不能恢复原状的地步,下一期的新生的文化将要着落在黑种人身上,因为黄白种人在过去已经各有建树,惟有黑种人天真未凿,精力未耗,未来的大时代里恐怕要轮到他们来做主角。说这样话的,并非故作惊人之论。高度的文明,高度的训练与压抑,的确足以斫伤元气。女人常常被斥为野蛮,原始性。人类驯服了飞禽走兽,独独不能彻底驯服女人。几千年来女人始终处于教化之外,焉知她们不在那里培养元气,徐图大举?

  女权社会有一样好处——女人比男人较富于择偶的常识,这一点虽然不是什么高深的学问,却与人类前途的休戚大大有关。男子挑选妻房,纯粹以貌取人。面貌体格在优生学上也是不可不讲究的。女人择夫,何尝不留心到相貌,只是不似男子那么偏颇,同时也注意到智慧健康谈吐风度自给的力量等项,相貌倒列在次要。有人说现今社会的症结全在男子之不会挑拣老婆,以至于儿女没有家教,子孙每况愈下。那是过甚其词,可是这一点我们得承认,非得要所有的婚姻全由女子主动,我们才有希望产生一种超人的民族。"超人"这名词,自经尼采提出,常常有人引用,在尼采之前,古代寓言中也可以发现同类的理想。尽也奇怪,我们想象中的超人永远是个男人。为什么呢?大约是因为超人的文明是较我们的文明更进一步的造就,而我们的文明是男子的文明。还有一层:超人是纯粹理想的结晶,而"超等女人"则不难于实际中求得。在任何文化阶段中,女人还是女人。男子偏于某一方面的发展,而女人是最普遍的,基本的,代表四季循环,土地,生老病死,饮食繁殖。女人把人类飞越太空的灵智拴在踏实的根桩上。

  即在此时此地我们也可以找到完美的女人。完美的男人就稀有,因为我们根本不知道怎样的男子可以算做完美。功利主义者有他们的理想,老庄的信徒有他们的理想,国社党员也有他们的理想。似乎他们各有各的不足处——那是我们对于"完美的男子"期望过深的缘故。

  女人的活动范围有限,所以完美的女人比完美的男人更完美。同时,一个坏女人往往比一个坏男人坏得更彻底。事实是如此。有些生意人完全不顾商业道德而私生活无懈可击。反之,对女人没良心的人尽有在他方面认真尽职的。而一个恶毒的女人就恶得无孔不入。

  超人是男性的,神却带有女性的成分,超人与神不同。超人是进取的,是一种生存的目标。神是广大的同情,慈悲,了解,安息。像大部分所谓智识分子一样。我也是很愿意相信宗教而不能够相信,如果有这么一天我获得了信仰,大约信的就是奥涅尔《大神勃朗》一剧中的地母娘娘。《大神勃朗》是我所知道的感人最深的一出戏。读了又读,读到第三四遍还使人心酸泪落。奥涅尔以印象派笔法勾出的"地母"是一个妓女。"一个强壮、安静、肉感、黄头发的女人,二十岁左右,皮肤鲜洁健康,乳房丰满,胯骨宽大。她的动作迟慢,踏实,懒洋洋地像一头兽。她的大眼睛像做梦一般反映出深沉的天性的骚动。她嚼着口香糖,像一条神圣的牛,忘却了时间,有它自身的永生的目的。"她说话的口吻粗鄙而熟诚:"我替你们难过,你们每一个人,每一个狗娘养的——我简直想光着身子跑到街上去,爱你们这一大堆人,爱死你们,仿佛我给你们带了一种新的麻醉剂来,使你们永远忘记了所有的一切(歪扭地微笑着)。但是他们看不见我,就像他们看不见彼此一样。而且没有我的帮助他们也继续地往前走,继续地死去。"

  人死了,葬在地里。地母安慰垂死者:"你睡着了之后,我来替你盖被。"

  为人在世,总得戴个假面具,她替垂死者除下面具来,说:"你不能戴着它上床。要睡觉,非得独自去。"这里且摘译一段对白:勃朗(紧紧靠在她身上,感激地)土地是温暖的。地母(安慰地,双目直视如同一个偶像)嘘!嘘!(叫他不要做声)睡觉吧。

  勃朗:是,母亲,……等我醒的时候……?

  地母:太阳又要出来了。

  勃朗:出来审判活人与死人!(恐惧)我不要公平的审判。我要爱。地母止有爱。

  勃朗:谢谢你,母亲。

  人死了,地母向自己说:"生孩子有什么用?有什么用,生出死亡来?"她又说:"春天总是回来了,带着生命!总是回来了!总是,总是,永远又来了!——又是春天!——又是生命!——夏天、秋天、死亡,又是和平!(痛切的忧伤)可总是,总是,总又是恋爱与怀胎与生产的痛苦——又是春天带着不能忍受的生命之杯(换了痛切的欢欣),带着那光荣燃烧的生命的皇冠!"(她站着,像大地的偶像,眼睛凝视着莽莽乾坤。)

  这才是女神。"翩若惊鸿,宛若游龙"的洛神不过是个古装美女,世俗所供的观音不过是古装美女赤了脚,半裸的高大肥硕的希腊石像不过是女运动家,金发的圣母不过是个俏奶妈,当众喂了一千余年的奶。

  再往下说,要牵入宗教论争的危险的漩涡了,和男女论争一样的激烈,但比较无味。还是趁早打住。

  女人纵有千般不是,女人的精神里面却有一点"地母"的根芽。可爱的女人实在是真可爱。在某种范围内,可爱的人品与风韵是可以用人工培养出来的,世界各国不同样的淑女教育全是以此为目标,虽然每每歪曲了原意,造成像《猫》这本书里的太太小姐,也还是可原恕。

  女人取悦于人的方法有许多种。单单看中她的身体的人,失去许多可珍贵的生活情趣。以美好的身体取悦于人,是世界上最古老的职业,也是极普遍的妇女职业。为了谋生而结婚的女人全可以归在这一项下。这也无庸讳言——有美的身体,以身体悦人;有美的思想,以思想悦人;其实也没有多大分别。

 

——初载一九四四年三月《天地》第六期,收入《流言》


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[转载]《红楼梦》万言诗(宋德利)第一回 甄士隐梦幻识灵通 &

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《红楼梦》万言诗

 

宋德利

 

 

第一回

 

甄士隐梦幻识灵通

贾雨村风尘怀闺秀

 

繁华姑苏城,有一仁清巷,

古刹葫芦庙,坐落巷中央。

 

庙旁有人家,主人甄士隐,

娇妻为封氏,贤淑且温存。

 

仅有三岁女,取名唤英莲,

家境尚殷实,幸福且恬淡。

 

夏季某一天,士隐在书房,

俯卧书桌上,读书入梦乡。

 

路上遇和尚,道士在一旁,

道人若有思,悠然问和尚:

 

君带此蠢物,欲到何处去?

和尚未思索,搭腔很随意:

 

恰好有一批,痴男与怨女,

争先且恐后,欲到人间去。

 

只是图新鲜,便想去经历,

我想让石头,一同随之去。

 

道士不满足,提问不停歇:

近日有孽缘,下凡去历劫?

 

和尚笑搭腔:此事真稀罕,

西方灵河岸,三生石头畔。

 

一棵绛珠草,生在那里边,

灵石隐藏在,青埂峰下面。

 

灵石当侍者,取名叫神瑛,

浇灌绛珠草,坚持永不停。

 

最终绛珠草,修行成仙女,

欲报浇灌恩,暗自将愿许。

 

警幻一仙子,来问绛珠草,

是否愿下凡,报恩时机到。

 

绛珠仙子道:灵石浇甘露,

我虽无神水,报恩心未除。

 

如今此灵石,下凡到人间,

我愿随之去,以泪去偿还。

 

此事真稀奇,衍生故事多,

闻听此言后,和尚继续说。

 

世间都说爱,实为尝禁果,

暗约去私奔,此爱是空说。

 

这批痴男女,下凡有真情,

想必是真爱,情况或不同。

 

和尚邀道士,下凡跑一遭,

是否有真爱,一路走着瞧。

 

道士心花放,欣然表赞同,

愿随一同去,查访看分明。

 

蠢物为何物,士隐弄不清,

连忙问僧道,二人笑盈盈。

 

不说是何物,看看倒可以,

士隐接蠢物,原来是宝玉。

 

玉上刻大字,前脸有四个,

通灵前边雕,宝玉后边刻。

 

背面也有字,太小看不清,

再想仔细看,和尚不答应。

 

言说不得了,警幻仙子到,

传来巨声响,士隐魂吓跑。

 

美梦被惊碎,原来在家里,

烈日正炎炎,芭蕉已蔫萎。

 

奶妈抱英莲,来到他身旁,

士隐接过去,想抱外面逛。

 

门口遇怪事,一僧一道士,

蓬头且垢面,疯癫言语痴。

 

和尚见英莲,边哭边嚷嚷,

说她命不济,早晚害爹娘。

 

还说英莲小,不如交给他,

士隐闻听怪,急忙返回家。

 

和尚追着笑,口中念有词:

需防元宵后,烟消火灭时。

 

士隐听此言,备感不吉利,

正要走出门,想问何道理。

 

却听那道士,告诉和尚说:

咱俩暂分手,别管这么多。

 

各干各的事,不必太着急,

事情办妥当,我到邙山里。

 

等你把我找,咱俩一起去,

太虚幻境里,游览乐无比。

 

话音刚刚落,二人无踪迹,

士隐忆梦事,后悔徒叹息。

 

原来这二人,就是两大仙,

如今无处寻,心绪好烦乱。

 

此时见一人,走出隔壁门,

原是寄居者,名叫贾雨村。

 

贾是一书生,家境已败落,

孤身来此地,只剩他一个。

 

盘缠已耗尽,庙中暂栖身,

卖字做文章,糊口倍艰辛。

 

雨村见士隐,施礼且询问:

先生依门望,莫非有新闻?

 

士隐陪笑脸,忙说无新闻,

只因女儿闹,抱出散散心。

 

无聊且寂寞,士隐邀雨村,

书房坐片刻,闲聊度光阴。

 

忽报有来客,士隐暂离身,

雨村耐心等,翻书解烦闷。

 

正在读书间,窗外现女娃,

花容兼月貌,悄然在摘花。

 

女娃原本是,甄家一丫鬟,

摘花刚要走,忽朝窗中看。

 

瞥见这书生,并非凡人样,

衣衫虽破旧,器宇却轩昂。

 

女娃回头望,却又想回避,

雨村心狂喜,以为女有意。

 

再听甄士隐,陪客忙不暇,

自觉太乏味,后门溜回家。

 

正值中秋夜,士隐进庙门,

来约贾雨村,小酌解烦闷。

 

酒酣耳热时,雨村叹潦倒,

竟然无分文,进京去赶考。

 

闻听此言后,士隐发善心,

当即命书童,取来救济金。

 

白银五十两,两套御寒衣,

雨村千恩谢,夜半才忍离。

 

光阴又流逝,倏忽到元宵,

甄家命家丁,来把英莲抱。

 

出门看烟火,四处赏花灯,

流光溢彩景,心花怒放情。

 

夜半时分过,家丁去茅厕,

时隔仅片刻,归来惹大祸。

 

英莲无踪影,不知何处去,

士隐夫妇急,四处苦寻觅。

 

千方寻无果,英莲无踪影,

思女心悲切,卧床染重病。

 

俗语说得清,灾祸不单行,

三月十五日,大火隔壁生。

 

庙宇成灰烬,甄家也烧空,

投奔岳父家,夫妇真悲情。

 

士隐一书生,哪里会经营?

岳父名封肃,哄骗加欺凌。

 

加之思女痛,士隐真凄惨,

捉襟且见肘,生计一何艰。

 

遇人太不淑,悔恨齐交集,

抑郁久成疾,落魄不堪击。

 

士隐拄拐杖,街头去散心,

偶然抬头见,跛足一道人。

 

身穿破烂装,疯癫且肮脏,

口中念有词,话语好凄凉:

 

世人都晓神仙好,惟有功名忘不了。

古今将相在何方?荒冢一堆草没了。

 

世人都晓神仙好,只有金银忘不了。

终朝只恨聚无多,及到多时眼闭了。

 

世人都晓神仙好,只有娇妻忘不了。

君生日日说恩情,君死又随人去了。

 

世人都说神仙好,只有儿孙忘不了。

痴心父母古来多,孝顺儿孙谁见了?

 

士隐听后问,满口说的啥?

只听你满口,好字一大把。

 

道人不慌张,随意答分明:

好了两个字,听到算你能。

 

世间有万物,物物应明了,

好字便是了,了字便是好。

 

如若不是了,那就不是好,

如若要个好,须要一个了。

 

道士有名堂,说是好了歌,

士隐闻听后,大悟且大彻。

 

跟随道人走,飘然去远方,

娇妻闻讯后,悲伤哭断肠。

 

丫鬟小娇杏,门外买线针,

赶上新太爷,雨村来履新。

 

雨村不忘恩,款待封家人,

四匹锦绣缎,两封雪花银。

 

士隐老岳丈,收到信一封,

雨村要娇杏,做妾伴终生。

 

原来小娇杏,便是小丫鬟,

当年采花事,牢牢记心间。

 

士隐别雨村,赶考中进士,

如今做知府,有权又有势。

 

士隐今不在,英莲亦失踪,

叹息加感慨,心情颇沉重。

 

岂料贾雨村,空是有才人,

贪污且滥权,毫不得人心。

 

一年尚未满,革职名声臭,

心情虽惭愧,声色却不露。

 

公事暗中交,财产送原籍,

担风且袖月,远游销声迹。


 青春就应该这样绽放  游戏测试:三国时期谁是你最好的兄弟!!  你不得不信的星座秘密

[转载][转载]《春,复苏时节》( Spring, the&n

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[赏析]作者詹姆斯•J•基尔帕特里克(James J. Kilpatrick)是美国老牌专栏作家,其专栏《一个保守的观点》在全美报纸刊登,并写了四部专著。他酷爱园艺,从本文对春天满腔热情的赞美中可见一斑。

文章开篇引人入胜,一连串的拟人、比喻将生机盎然、轻松活泼的春天呈现在我们眼前。第二段的词语用得非常生动形象:tiptoe(踮着脚走)描写了春天的悄然而来,很自然,很轻盈,不惊吓任何人。pause(停顿;停留),shyness(害羞),描写了春天刚至,像小女孩一样,羞涩腼腆,欲前又止的形态。peep(窥探;窥视),duck(突然闪避),giggle(咯咯笑),slip(悄悄溜走),春天如小孩般可爱,惹人喜欢。

全文缕金错彩,斐然成章,却时刻不离一个主题:生命在继续,生命是永恒的。作者从一颗平凡的橡子窥见生命的伟大,从一株过冬的野花洞察生命的顽强与永恒,若没有对生命、对自然深沉的爱,是无法有如此敏锐的观察力的。

文章通篇结构严谨,文采飞扬,字字珠玑,堪称上盛之作。

(以上文字来自http://www.ebigear.com/newstext-53-47220.html

Spring, the Resurrection Time

by James J. Kilpatrick

 

Springs are not always the same. In some years, April bursts upon our Virginia hills in one prodigious leap --and all the stage in filled at once, whole choruses of tulips, arabesques of forsythia, cadenzas of flowering plum. The trees grow leaves overnight.

In other years, spring tiptoes in. It pauses, overcome by shyness, like my grandchild at the door, peeping in, ducking out of sight, giggling in the hallway. "I know you're out there," I cry. "Come in!" And April slips into our arms.

The dogwood bud, pale green, is inlaid with russet markings. Within the perfect cup a score of clustered seeds are nestled. One examines the bud in awe: Where were those seeds a month ago? The apples display their milliner's scraps of ivory silk, rose-tinged. All the sleeping things wake up--primrose, baby iris, blue phlox. The earth warms--you can smell it, feel it, crumble April in your hands.

The dark Blue Ridge Mountains in which I dwell, great-hipped, big-breasted, slumber on the western sky. And then they stretch and gradually awaken. A warm wind, soft as a girl's hair, moves sailboat clouds in gentle skies. The rains come--good rains to sleep by--and fields that were dun as oatmeal turn to pale green, then to kelly green.

All this reminds me of a theme that runs through my head like a line of music. Its message is profoundly simple, and profoundly mysterious also; Life goes on. That is all there is to it. Everything that is, was; and everything that is, will be.

I am a newspaperman, not a preacher. I am embarrassed to write of "God's presence. " God "is off my beat. But one afternoon I was walking across the yard and stopped to pick up an acorn-one acorn, nut brown, glossy, cool to the touch; the crested top was milled and knurled like the knob on a safe. There was nothing unique about it. Thousands littered the grass.

I could not tell you what Saul of Tarsus encountered on that famous road to Damascus when the light shone suddenly around him, but I know what he left. He was trembling, and filled with astonishment, and so was I that afternoon. The great chestnut oak that towered above me had sprung from such an insignificant thing as this; and the oak contained within itself the generating power to seed whole forests. All was locked in this tiny, ingenious safe-the mystery, the glory, the grand design.

The overwhelming moment passed, but it returns. Once in February we were down on the hillside pulling up briars and honeysuckle roots. I dug with my hands through rotted leaves and crumbling moldy bark. And behold: at the bottom of the dead, decaying mass a wild rhizome was raising a green, impertinent shaft toward the unseen sun. I am not saying I found Divine Revelation. What I found, I think, was a wild iris.

The iris was doing something more than surviving. It was growing, exactly according to plan, responding to rhythms and forces that were old before man was young. And it was drawing its life from the dead leaves of long-gone winters. I covered this unquenchable rhizome, patted it with a spade, and told it to be patient: spring would come.

And that is part of this same, unremarkable theme: spring does come. In the garden the rue anemones come marching out, bright as toy soldiers on their parapets of stone. The dogwoods float in casual clouds among the hills.

This is the Resurrection time. That which was dead, or so it seemed, has come to life again-the stiff branch, supple; the brown earth, green. This is the miracle: There is no death; there is, in truth, eternal life.

These are lofty themes for a newspaperman. I cover politics, not ontology. But it is not required that one be learned in metaphysics to contemplate a pea patch. A rudimentary mastery of a shovel will suffice. So, in the spring, we plunge shovels into the garden plot, turn under the dark compost, rake fine the crumbling clods, and press the inert seeds into orderly rows. These are the commonest routines. Who could find excitement here?

But look! The rain falls, and the sun warms, and something happens. It is the germination process. Germ of what? Germ of life, germ inexplicable, germ of wonder. The dry seed ruptures and the green leaf uncurls. Here is a message that transcends the rites of any church or creed or organized religion. I would challenge any doubting Thomas in my pea patch.

A year or so ago, succumbing to the lures of a garden catalogue, we went grandly into heather. Over the winter it looked as though the grand investment had become a grand disaster. Nothing in the garden seemed deader than the heather. But now the tips are emerald, and the plants are coronets for fairy queens.

Everywhere, spring brings the blessed reassurance that life goes on, that death is no more than a passing season. The plan never falters; the design never changes.

Look to the rue anemone, if you will, or to the pea patch, or to the stubborn weed that thrusts its shoulders through a city street. This is how it was, is now, and ever shall be, the world without end. In the serene certainty of spring recurring, who can fear the distant fall?

 

附:《春,复苏时节》( 宋德利 译)

  年年岁岁常在,岁岁年年不同。

     四月,有时不知怎地一跃,就来到了弗吉尼亚的山坡上――转眼到处生机勃勃。郁金香组成了大合唱,连翘构成了阿拉伯式图案,洋李唱出了婉转的歌声。一夜之间,林木着装,绿叶瑟瑟。

     四月有时又蹑手蹑脚,像我的小孙女一样,羞羞答答地在门口戛然止步,避开视线,偷偷向里窥探,尔后又咯咯地笑着走进门厅。“我知道你就在那儿藏着呢。”我喊道。“进来!”于是,天便溜进了我的怀抱。

     山茱萸的蓓蕾,淡绿清雅,表面点缀着褐色斑痕,活像一只完美无缺的小杯,一撮撮种子,半隐半现地藏在里面。我敬畏地观察这些蓓蕾,暗自发问:一个月之前,这些种子在什么地方呢?苹果花开,展示出一片片染了玫瑰红的象牙薄绸。一切冬眠的东西都在苏醒――美丽的樱花,纤细的蝴蝶花,还有蓝色的草夹竹桃。大地开始变暖――这,你既可以嗅到,也可以触到――抓起一把泥土,四月便揉碎在你的手心中。

     黛色的蓝岭山,那是我居住的地方,它像臀丰乳高的女郎,依然安睡在浩瀚的天幕之下。后来,她终于伸腰舒臂,慢慢醒来。一阵阵和煦的风,像少女的柔发,在温和的天空驱动状如帆船般的云朵。下雨了――伴人入睡的细雨――像麦片粥一样微暗的原野,起初淡绿素雅,继而翠绿欲滴。

     这使我想到一个话题,它就像一首乐曲不断萦绕在我的脑际,平淡无奇,却又奥秘无穷:生命绵延不断。一切一切,尽在于此。任何事物,现在如此,以往如此,将来也必定如此。

     我是一名新闻工作者,并不是传道士。我决不会就“上帝的存在”而挥笔撰文,上帝不属于我的工作范畴。一天下午,我在院里散步,无意中停下脚步,拾起一颗橡子――那是一颗栗色的,光滑的,摸一摸凉凉爽爽的橡子。冠毛茸茸的顶部早已磨平,酷似保险箱那隆起的球形旋钮。它没有丝毫的出奇之处。成千上万颗这样的种子撒满了草地。

     我不知道塔瑟斯的保罗在通向大马士革的大道上,突然被圣光笼罩时看见了什么,然而我知道他的感觉如何。他大吃一惊,情不自禁地颤抖着;而那天下午,我也和他一样。高耸入云的橡树拔地而起,它不正是从一颗如此这般微不足道的种子里迸发出来的吗?而橡树本身蕴藏着的生殖力,足以孕育出一片又一片的橡树林。神秘的色彩,雄伟的气魄,壮观的形象,这一切的一切,都封锁在这只微小,然而却奇妙的保险箱内。

     这种令人倾倒的时刻,逝去了还会再来。二月里的一天,我下山去拔石楠和忍冬根。我把手伸进腐败的枝叶和碎树皮中去挖。看,在这层毫无生气的枯枝败叶底下,一棵根茎正在朝着那看不见的冬日,伸出一只野性十足的绿芽来。我发现的并非神的启示。我发现的大概不过是一棵野生的蝴蝶花罢了。

      这株蝴蝶花决不仅仅是为了一己的生存而挣扎,它是在准确无误地按照自然发展的进程而生长着,它是在响应那比人类启蒙时期还要古老的节奏与力量。它是在从久久逝去的冬日里那枯叶中奋力挣得生命。于是,我把这棵势不可挡的幼芽重新埋好,再用铁锹拍了拍,让它稍安毋躁:天一定会到来。

      这个平凡的主题又奏起了一章:天来了。花园里芸香银莲,花团锦簇,宛若一列列光彩熠熠的小铅兵,整齐地排列在石墙头。山茱萸犹如一片片无拘无束的云朵飘浮在山间。

      这是万物复苏的时节。那些已经死去,或貌似死去的东西都复活了――僵硬的枝条柔软起来,暗褐色的大地泛起了绿色。这便是奇迹之所在。这里没有死亡,有的只是千真万确的永恒的生命。

      天,我们用铁锹翻开园子里黑油油的沃土,打碎土块,把地面平整好,再把那些毫无生气的豌豆种子成垄成行地播下去。这都是些平凡至极的劳作,这里有什么激情可言呢?

     可是你瞧,雨下起来了。阳光也缓和起来了。接着,奇迹就来到了。这便是那萌芽的过程。什么样的萌芽?生命的萌芽,神秘的萌芽,奇迹的萌芽。干瘪的种子裂开了,卷曲的绿叶伸展了。这里包含着一种信息,它胜过任何教会的仪式、任何教义以及任何有组织的宗教。有谁不信,我的豌豆田就可以打消他的疑虑。

      天处处带来赏心悦目的复苏景象。生命在继续,死亡不过是一个早已逝去的季节而已。大自然从不蹒跚移步,从不三心二意。一切都是有条不紊。一切的一切,从来就是如此井然有序。

      如果愿意,那你就去看一看吧!看一看芸香银莲,看一看无边的豌豆田,尤其是那萋萋芳草,早已甩开臂膀,穿街过市。这便是世界何以无止境的原因。过去如此,现在如此,将来也永远如此。回大地,又有谁还惧怕那遥远的秋天呢?

   

译文赏析(摘自朱明炬、谢少华、吴万伟《英汉名篇名译》)

写这篇赏析文字的时候,正是江城光融融、无处不飞花的四月。一个人坐在窗前,沐浴在日的暖阳里,望着窗外蓊蓊的一片新绿,读着上面如诗如画的文字,想到仅仅一个多月前,还是寒风萧萧、阴沉郁闷的冬末,转眼就是柳风柔柔、燕草碧丝的景,不禁要对造物心存感激了。

要感激的岂止是造物?还有那神奇、美妙的汉语。那一个个方块文字组成的优美篇章,将一个个日美景凝固在纸上,将一片片光撒播在心底。从水无风无浪,天半雨半晴光好,到船上管弦江面绿,满城飞絮滚轻尘南国正芳,从草色青青柳色黄,桃花历乱李花香,到江潮水连海平,海上明月共潮生江花月夜,古往今来,这样的篇章委实太多太多了,数也数不尽。读着这样的篇章,无论你是在,在夏,在秋,还是在冬,你的心里总会漾起一层波,升起一片希望。这不,读着上面译文中形象、动感的文字,你难道不觉得自己振奋了许多,恨不能立刻走出去,活动活动筋骨,呼吸一下天的气息吗?

实在不想去一字一句地分析宋译《》的得失成败,也实在没有必要去分析,任何一个懂点英语的人对照原文和译文阅读都能感知宋译是多么出色。读着这样的文字,又有几个人会记得自己是在读译文呢?散文大家朱自清在著名的散文《》中创造的意境也不过如此。译文中那细腻的描写,那动感的形象,那真挚的情感,简直将天写活了:四月,有时不知怎地一跃,就来到了弗吉尼亚的山坡上四月有时又蹑手蹑脚,像我的小孙女一样,羞羞答答地倚在门外,向里探探头,一闪又不见了,只是在门厅里咯咯地笑抓起一把泥土,四月便揉碎在你的手心里了。象这样的句子,以诗来名之,难道过分吗?

自然,宋译的成功肯定有它的原因。除了在理解时细心揣摩原文,极力抓住原文的意义和风格外,在表达阶段,译者采取了一系列的处理手法,收到了良好的效果。较为突出的有如下三个方面:

一、保留原作的修辞手法(主要是比喻和拟人的手法),再现原文的生动形象。这方面例子译文中很多,如四月”“不知怎地一跃,就来到了弗吉尼亚的山坡上四月”“像我的小孙女一样,羞羞答答地倚在门外天这才悄然跑进了我的怀抱黛色的蓝岭山”“像臀丰乳高的女郎等等,不一而足。也正是因为这些修辞手法的运用,原文栩栩如生的形象才在译文中得以存活,原文优美的意境才在译文里得以复现。

二、力求句式多姿多彩,服务情感表达的需要。 Spring 是一篇抒情色彩浓郁的散文。散文作为一种文体,具有取材广泛,自由便捷,结构灵活,表现手法不拘一格,句式多样等特点。尤其是散文的句式,常随情感表达的需要呈现丰富多彩的变化。这一点,在 Spring 原文中可得到直接的引证。宋译《》显然继承并发扬了原作的这个优点,在句子的长短、句子结构的安排等方面尤多努力,为完美传达原文的风格打下了坚实的基础。特别是在句子结构的安排上,宋译将忠实与创造相结合,表现出灵活多变的特点。译文中破折号的使用尤其夺人眼目,上面不太长的选文里就使用了六个破折号,这在别的文章里是不多见的。这些破折号的使用,给译文带来了一种动感、多变的节奏。同时,为了服务于情感表达的需要,译者还有意增加了句子中间的停顿(如不说山茱萸的蓓蕾淡绿清雅而在蓓蕾淡绿清雅之间增加了一个逗号,不说黛色的蓝岭山是我居住的地方而说黛色的蓝岭山,那是我居住的地方,这样处理,明显文字的抒情意味更浓了),强化了文字背后欢快、喜悦的情绪。

三、有意使用大量动词(词组),造就一种欢快的动感。宋译《》是一篇以描写为主的散文。像这样一类描写的文字,由于描写的对象多为静物,文字中本不应有多少动作的成分。但《》却比较特别,由于运用了拟人、比喻等修辞手法,文章中描写的大自然成了具有行为能力的动作主体了,这一点使得动词(词组)的大量使用成为自然而然了。这些动感十足的词语(组),构成了一个个活生生的形象,忠实地服务于原文意境的再现。如果将这些词语去掉,即使能够表达同样的意思,译文的感染力也要大打折扣。这样的词语几乎遍及全文,这里就不一一分析了。

当然,仅有以上三点是不足以成就一篇优秀译文的。翻译处理手法的运用从来都是服务于表达需要的,不同的处理手法在一篇译文中是协同作用的。翻译时如果拘泥于一定的处理手法,则译文一定会生硬,呆板。宋译之所以出色,在于译者在吃透原文总的语言特点、修辞手段、气氛、感情效果的基础上,运用地道、优美的汉语灵活、创造性地表达,力求再现原文的整体意境,从而同原文在笔调、风格上保持一致。也正是在这个意义上,宋译才有其美学上的价值。


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